THE HISTORY OF 

NEGRO SERVITUDE 

IN ILLINOIS 




LOVEJOY MONUMENT, ALTON. ILLINOIS 

(Erected, /&X>~7) 



Gbe THntt>erstts of abicaao 

FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 



HISTORY OF 

NEGRO SLAVERY IN ILLINOIS AND 

OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION 

IN THAT STATE 



A DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND 

LITERATURE, IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

(department of history) 



BY 

NORMAN DWIGHT HARRIS 



CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
1906 










Copyright, 1904 
A. C. McCLUKG & CO. 

CHICAGO 



tarn 



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(LO*t 



N 30 *06 



VUAsvr. 



^yJ^r. 



TO MY FATHER 

whose kindness has made possible my 
advanced studies 

THIS BOOK 
is affectionately dedicated 



INTRODUCTORY 

THIS book was originally written for the University 
of Chicago, as a portion of the work required for 
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

In preparing the volume for publication it was thought 
unwise to sacrifice too largely the historic value of the 
production for popularity of form. It has been written, 
as far as possible, from the original documents and 
sources, but the present scattered state of the material on 
Illinois history has rendered this task extremely difficult. 

It is hoped that the results of these investigations will 
not only be of interest to the general public, but also will 
serve as a basis for a great history of the Slavery Con- 
flict, which some future historian of American History 
shall write. 

The author wishes to express his appreciation of the 
suggestions and criticisms made by Dr. Asa C. Tilton of 
the University of Wisconsin, who read the entire manu- 
script. He acknowledges his indebtedness, also, to Pro- 
fessor Frederic J. Turner of the University of Wisconsin, 
President Edmund J. James of Northwestern University, 
and Professors F. W. Shepardson and J. Franklin Jame- 
son of the University of Chicago, for their kindly interest 
and encouragement. 

N. Dwight Harris. 
Appleton, Wisconsin, 
July, iqoj. 



vii 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Chapter I. The Beginnings of Slavery in the 

Illinois CouNTRY—1719-1783 ... 1 

Chapter II. Slavery in the Illinois Territory 

— 1800-1818 6 

Chapter III. Slavery and the Constitution of 

1818 16 

Chapter IV. The Contest for a Convention — 

1820-1824 27 

Chapter V. Negro Servitude under the Con- 
stitution of 1 81 8 50 

Chapter VI. The Lovejoy Episode — In St. Louis 68 

Chapter VII. The Lovejoy Episode (Continued)— 

In Alton 78 

Chapter VIII. The Slavery Question in the 

Courts — 1819-1864 99 

Chapter IX. The Beginnings of the Anti-Slav- 
ery Agitation 124 

Chapter X. The Origin of the Illinois Liberty 

Party and the Free Soil Party 146 

Chapter XI. The Free Soil, Free Democratic, 
and Republican Parties— 1848- 

1856 177 

ix 



x CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Chapter XII. Later Slavery Agitation and the 

Lincoln-Douglas Debates . . . 206 

Chapter XIII. The Progress of Sentiment on the 

Negro Question — 1840-1875 . . . 226 

appendices 

I. Bibliography 245 

II. Specimen Copies of Slave Papers . . . 258 

III. Data Relative to the Contest of 1823-24. 263 

IV. Table of Abolition Votes 267 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Lovejoy Monument, Alton, III. . . . Frontispiece 
Facsimile of Underground Railway Advertise- 
ment 16 

Portrait— Elijah P. Lovejoy 68 

Portrait — Lyman J. Trumbull 99 

Portrait— Zebina Eastman 124 

Portrait — Owen Lovejoy 146 

Portrait — Abraham Lincoln 206 

Portrait— Stephen A. Douglas 212 



CHAPTER I. 

THE BEGINNINGS OF SLAVERY IN THE 
ILLINOIS COUNTRY. 

1719-1783. 

The control of the French colony of La Louisiane was 
conferred upon Sieur Antoine Crozat on September 14, 
1712. He was authorized at the same time to open a 
traffic in negroes with the coast of Guinea, provided slave 
labor was necessary for the development of the new coun- 
try, and he was guaranteed a monopoly of the trade. 1 

M. Crozat failed to make use of his rights, and noth- 
ing came of the first suggestion of the French government 
concerning the introduction of slaves into Louisiana. 

In August, 1717, the management of the colony was 
transferred from him to a commercial company, called the 
"Compagnie de l'Occident"; 2 and the inauguration of 
the slave trade took place on June 6, 1719, when the first 
merchant ship arrived from Guinea with five hundred 
blacks on board. These negroes were destined for Lower 
Louisiana; i. e., the region between New Orleans and 
Natchez. 3 

In the same year Philip Francis Renault left France 
with two hundred miners and workmen to pursue the min- 
ing industry in Upper Louisiana under the protection of 

1 "Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donnees a Paris le 14 Septembre, 1712." 

2 "Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donnees a Paris au mois d'Aoiit, 1717, Por- 
tant etablissement d'une Compagnie de Commerce, sous le nom de Com- 
pagnie de l'Occident ou La Louisiane." 

3 For particulars concerning the beginning of the slave trade in Louisiana, 
see the Journal of La Harpe, in Vol. IV., page ng and following, of French's 
Historical Collections of Louisiana. 



2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the same organization. En route he stopped at San Do- 
mingo and purchased five hundred slaves. On reaching 
the continent, he proceeded to the northern portion of 
Louisiana — then known as the "Illinois Country" — and 
established himself near Fort Chartres, at a place which 
he named St. Philip. His venture, however, does not 
seem to have been a success, and in 1744 Renault sold 
his negroes to the inhabitants of the district and returned 
home. 

Slaveholding was thus early introduced into the 
French settlements on the Upper Mississippi. During 
both the French and English occupancy of that region 
occasional additions were made to this nucleus, but they 
were neither frequent nor numerous. 1 

By the middle of the eighteenth century, the French 
had established five settlements in the alluvial district 
which, beginning at Kohokia, 2 extends along the east bank 
of the Mississippi to the mouth of the Kaskaskia River. 
These they named Kaskaskia, Kohokia, Fort Chartres, 
St. Philip, and Prairie du Rocher. 3 

M. Vivier, the French missionary to the Illinois In- 
dians, thus describes this region in June, 1 750: "We 
have here Whites, Negroes, and Indians, to say nothing 

of cross-breeds There are five French villages 

and three villages of the natives within a space of twenty- 
one leagues In the five French villages there are 

perhaps eleven hundred whites, three hundred blacks, and 
some sixty red slaves or savages. The three Illinois 

1 Dunn, in his "Indiana," on page 258, enumerates the following: 

1722 — A number of families with slaves were escorted up from New Orleans 
by Captain Kenard. 

1723 — Some Germans were sent to Upper Louisiana by the Company of 
the West and granted negroes. 

- Opposite and a little below St. Louis. 

3 For a detailed description, see "An Historical Narrative and topograph- 
ical description of Louisiana and West Florida, comprehending the River 
Mississippi with its branches," by Thomas Hutchins, Philadelphia, 1784. 



SLAVERY IX THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY 3 

towns do not contain more than eight hundred souls 
[natives] all told." 1 It is seen by this that Indians, as 
well as negroes, were held in bondage. 

Although the French king fixed the price of blacks at 
"660 livres India currency" in 1 72 1, and issued at Ver- 
sailles in March, 1 724, under the title "Le Code Noir ou 
Recueil de Reglements," 2 a severe system of rules, under 
which the slaves of Louisiana were to be held and man- 
aged, the Illinois settlements were not particularly affected. 
Thev were governed by a "major-commandant," residing 
at Fort Chartres, and appointed by the Governor of New 
Orleans; but the settlers managed their plantations quite 
as they pleased. 

Slaves were regarded as "bien-foncier, " or real prop- 
em - ; but they were treated everywhere with much leniency 
and kindness. They were fed chiefly on maize, and used 
both as laborers and as house-servants. On Sundays and 
feast days they were allowed liberties, and their children 
were taught the catechism. There were few large slave 
farms. The majority of the planters possessed but a 
small number of negroes. A man was well off if he 
owned three or four. The management of the planta- 
tions was just and liberal, and the relations existing 
between masters and servants were friendly; but the 
easiest service was doubtless on the lands of the Jesuit 
missionaries. 3 

The condition of the negroes in the southern district 
of Louisiana, of which New Orleans was the centre, was 
wretched in the extreme. The "Code Noir" was rigidly 
enforced, the masters indifferent, the overseers often 

1 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 6q, page 144. 

- For an English translation, see Dillon's "Indiana," Vol. I., page 41. 
* lesuit Relations, Vol. 69, page 14:, et seq.; Vol. 67, page 283; Vol. 70, 
pages 252, 233. 



4 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

cruel, the district of country unhealthy, and the character 
of their work debilitating as well as degrading. 1 

When the Illinois Country passed into the hands of the 
English (1763), its total population was about three thou- 
sand. Of these a large proportion — about nine hundred 
— were negro slaves. General Thomas Gage gave the 
French the alternative of selling without restraint their 
estates and removing with their personal property, or of 
becoming English subjects. 2 A large number decided to 
leave, and disposed of their lands and slaves. Of these 
some went to New Orleans, but the majority crossed the 
river to St. Louis, St. Girardeau, and neighboring towns. 
The Jesuits departed for New Orleans with forty-eight 
negroes, whom they sold, and then returned to France. 3 

This decrease in population was attended by a corre- 
sponding decline in the prosperity of the region — already 
noticeable when Captain Philip Pittman visited it in 1770. 
He gives an interesting picture of the towns and planta- 
tions, and mentions, among others, M. Beauvais, who 
owned "240 arpens of cultivated land and eighty slaves," 
a captain of militia at St. Philip possessing twenty blacks, 
and M. Balet — the richest man in Illinois — who resided at 
St. Genevieve, and controlled "a hundred negroes, besides 
hired white people constantly employed." 4 

The population of the district had decreased at that 
time to about sixteen hundred inhabitants, of whom about 

1 For details on the condition of the negro slaves in Lower Louisiana at 
this time, see: 

Dumont, "Memoirs de La Louisiane," 1753; "Vue de la Colonie Espagnole 
du Mississippi," 1803. 

Robin, C.C., "Voyages dans l'lnterieur de La Louisiane," 1807. 

La Harpe, Journal in Vols. 111. and IV. ot French's Historical Collections 
of Louisiana. 

2 Proclamation dated at New York, December 30, 1764- 

3 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 70, page 283. 

4 "The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi," 
by Captain P. Pittman, London, 1770. 



SLAVERY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY 5 

six hundred were slaves. By the end of the century mi- 
gration from the East and South had begun, whereby the 
population of the Illinois Country was considerably 
increased. 

The English government laid no restrictions upon the 
holding of negroes as slaves by settlers of this region, and 
when it came under the control of the United States, slav- 
ery still existed there unhampered. 



CHAPTER II. 

SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY. 
1800-1818. 

When Virginia ceded her claims on the Territory of 
the Northwest to the Government of the United States, 
she stipulated that the French, Canadian, and other 
inhabitants of Kaskaskia and the neighboring villages 
should be allowed to retain their possessions and to enjoy 
their ancient rights and liberties. 1 The continuance of 
these privileges was guaranteed by Congress in the 
Ordinance of 1787; but a clause prohibiting slavery in 
the district "Northwest of the river Ohio" was inserted 
in the same instrument. 2 

The residents of the Illinois Country were considerably 
disturbed by this latter provision, and many thought of 
moving across the Mississippi into Spanish territory. 
Governor St. Clair, however, chose to interpret the clause 
as intended only to prevent the introduction of slaves, and 
not as aiming at the emancipation of those already there; 
and the migration did not take place. 3 All doubts grad- 
ually disappeared; the view of the governor was univers- 
ally accepted; and ere long the belief that article VI. of 
the Ordinance of 1787 in no way affected the existing 
relations between masters and servants became a settled 
conviction. 

1 Deed of Cession, March i, 1784. 

" Ordinance of 1787, articles II. and VI. 

3 St. Clair to the President of the United States; St. Clair Papers, Vol. II., 
page 176. 

6 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 7 

Governor Ninian Edwards — one of the most distin- 
guished lawyers in the Territory — maintained in 1817 that 
the Ordinance of 1787 permitted "voluntary" servitude; 
i.e., the indenturing of negroes for limited periods of 
service. He advocated reducing the term to one year, 
and advanced the belief that such contracts were "reason- 
able within themselves, beneficial to the slaves, and not 
repugnant to the public interests." 1 Some of the less 
learned citizens advanced the argument, that since the 
French had obviously the right to retain their slaves the 
other settlers of Illinois possessed the same right. 2 

No reference was made to the subject of slavery in 
the first three General Assemblies of the Northwest Terri- 
tory, other than the levying of a tax on all negroes over 
twenty-one years of age. 3 

By 1803, however, it was found necessary to provide 
some legal status for the numerous indentured blacks, and 
to regulate the relations between masters and servants. 
The Governing Council of Indiana proceeded to draw up a 
slave code, the chief material for which was obtained 
from the codes of Virginia and Kentucky. This set of 
laws was re-enacted, in the main, by the Indiana Terri- 
torial Assemblies of 1805 and 1807; and it was regarded 
as a legal authorization of the existing system of inden- 
tures. 

Under the provisions of this code, all male negroes 
under fifteen years of age, either owned or acquired, must 



1 "Western Intelligencer," January 1, 1818. Speech to the Legislature. 

2 John Grammer of Union County is credited with having expressed him- 
self in the Legislature a few years later, as follows: "1 will show that are propo- 
sition is unconstitutionable, inlegal, and forninst the compact. Don't every one 
know, or leastwise had ought to know, that Congress that sot at Post Yinsan 
[Vincennes] garnisheed to the old French inhabitants the right to their nig- 
gars, and h'aint 1 got as much rights as any Frenchman in this State? Answer 
me that, sir!" Memoirs of Judge Gillespie. 

3 Statutes of Ohio, 1788-1833 (Chase), Vol. I., Chapter 3. 



o NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

serve till the age of thirty-five; women till thirty-two. 
Children born to persons of color during the period of 
service could also be bound out — the boys for thirty years 
and the girls for twenty-eight. All slaves brought into 
the Territory were obliged to serve the full term of their 
contracts; but all owners were required to register their 
servants with the County Clerk within thirty days after 
entering the Territory. Transfers from one master to 
another were permitted, provided the slave gave his (or 
her) consent before a notary. 1 

Other provisions were added concerning the duties of 
masters to servants. Wholesome food, sufficient cloth- 
ing, and lodging were to be provided for each slave. The 
outfit for a servant was enumerated as follows: "A coat, 
waistcoat, a pair of breeches, one pair of shoes, two pair 
of stockings, a hat, and a blanket." 2 Not an abundant 
supply surely, but it did well for a beginning. No pro- 
vision was made for a future increase of wardrobe. Nor 
was there any penalty connected with a failure to provide 
the original outfit; and no evidence is obtainable that 
masters generally complied with this enactment, or trou- 
bled themselves greatly concerning the servants' food or 
clothing. 

Lazy or indifferent servants might, on an order from 
the Justice of the County, be punished by whipping. It 
is not to be inferred from this that the owners always 
went through the form of procuring a license before pro- 
ceeding to the punishment of refractory negroes. In 
those free and easy days, when the administration of 
justice and the enforcement of the laws were no easy 

'Laws of the First General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, 1805, 
Chapter 26. 

2 Laws of the Fourth Session of the Governor and Judges of Indiana Terri- 
tory, Subdivision II., Sections 3 and 4. 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 9 

matter, owing to the isolation of the various communities 
and the lack of efficient machinery for carrying out the 
decrees of Governors and Legislatures, the letter of the 
law was not always closely adhered to. The landowners 
were left unmolested in the management of their estates; 
and the question of the treatment of servants was very 
seldom if ever raised. 

Negroes who refused to work or who tried to run away 
must serve two days extra time for every idle or absent 
day; and the expenses of recapture were to be worked 
out by the servant in extra service. Any person harbor- 
ing a runaway slave must pay the master one dollar for 
each day that he concealed the negro. It was forbidden 
under severe penalty 1 to trade or deal with a servant with- 
out the consent of his master. Negroes or mulattoes 
might purchase servants, provided these were not white. 
They could retain all goods or money acquired by gift or 
other lawful means during their servitude, if their master 
gave consent; and they might obtain certificates of free- 
dom from the county courts on presentation of proof that 
they had served out their time. 2 

An attempt was made to protect the servants from 
cruelty or unfair treatment on the part of the master. 
The county courts were to punish all owners guilty of ill- 
treatment of their slaves; but we are left in ignorance as 
to how the masters were to be proved guilty of this mis- 
demeanor. It is to be inferred, however, that it was 
through the testimony of neighbors rather than by any 
complaint on the part of the negro, since the latter was 
forbidden to serve as a witness, save in cases where 

1 "Four times the value of the things sold; the costs, $20 for any one who 
sues; or 3g lashes well laid on his or her bare back." 

a Acts of the Fourth Session of the Governor and Judges of Indiana Terri- 
tory, 1803. Subdivision 11., Sections 4-12. Acts of First Session of the Gen- 
eral Assembly, Chapter 26. 



IO NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

colored people alone were concerned. It was provided 
further that "all contracts between master and servant 
during the time of service shall be void"; and masters 
who allowed any sick or lame negro to become a county 
charge were to be fined thirty dollars. 1 

Servants of color were not allowed to serve in the 
State militia, 2 to have bail when arrested, 3 to engage in 
unlawful assemblies, or to absent themselves from the 
plantation of their owner without a special pass or token. 4 

Finally, if any negro should refuse to serve his master 
when brought into Illinois, the owner might remove to 
any of the slave states with his property within sixty days. 

The above code 5 was by no means a dead letter; 
for the evidence is ample to prove that an extensive sys- 
tem of indentured servants was carried on under its pro- 
tection. During the decade following 1807, a large 
number of negroes were brought in and registered. In 
the four counties of Gallatin, St. Clair, Madison, and 
Randolph alone, there were over three hundred, 6 and the 
whole number of slaves in the Territory increased from 
one hundred and thirty-five in 1800, to seven hundred and 
forty-nine in 1820. 7 

1 Acts of the First General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, Chap- 
ter 26. 

s Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, concern- 
ing militia, September 17, 1807. 

3 Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, concern- 
ing practice in the General Court. 

* Acts of the Third General Assembly of the Territory of Indiana, Chapter 
9, Sections 2-3. 

6 This was known in later years as the "Black Code." It appeared again 
in the Constitution of 1818, the Statutes at Large of 1818-1819, and the Consti- 
tution of 1848, and was not repealed till February 7, 1865. 

6 The precise number cannot be ascertained, since the Registers of St. 
Clair and Gallatin counties have not been preserved. The Registers of Madi- 
son and Randolph counties give a total of 253 actually registered; and from 
Wills. Bills of Sale, and County Court Records it is possible to enumerate 
it least 324 instances of indentured negroes in the four counties Unfortu- 
nately the records of Jackson County were destroyed by fire on January io, 
1843, and its valuable Register of Slaves was also consumed. 

7 United States Census, 1800 and 1820. 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY II 

The greater proportion of the negroes came from Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee, although numbers were brought also 
from Virginia, the Carolinas, Maryland, and even Louisi- 
ana. 1 A considerable number of these servants were 
registered to serve till the age limit fixed by law was 
reached. This meant from ten to twenty years in most 
cases, as the majority of negroes brought into the Terri- 
tory were mere boys and girls. 2 

Most of the settlers owned slaves and were anxious to 
get as much service out of them as possible. Some, it is 
true, like Governor Coles, came into the state for the 
express purpose of freeing their negroes, but these were 
exceptions. The majority purchased slaves when very 
young in order to secure the longest legal terms of service. 
Not satisfied with that, they registered them for periods 
of servitude far in excess of the legal limit, many being 
booked to serve from forty to sixty, and even ninety-nine 
years. 3 

Ninian Edwards, the first Governor of the Territory, 
who knew the law well enough to register several slaves 
in strict accord with its provisions, felt quite free to enter 
his servants: Rose, twenty-three years of age, for thirty- 



1 Of igo registered by the County Clerk of Randolph County, 81 came from 
Kentucky, ig from Tennessee, 13 from Virginia, 13 from Louisiana, 5 each from 
the Carolinas and Maryland, 4 from Georgia, 4 from Missouri, a few scattering, 
and 36 former residence not given. 

2 For example, Benjamin Stephenson registered with the Clerk of Madison 
County, on June 15, 1817, six negro children: Moriah, 42 days old; Barkeley, 2 
years; Debb, 4 years; Winn, 6 years; Frank, 8; and Louisa, 14 years old. 

3 Madison County Records: 

1815, October 23, Sam, aged 15, bound to serve 50 years. 

1816, May 31, Nat, aged 17, bound to serve 35 years. 

1817, May 12, Willis, aged 16, bound to serve 50 years. 

1818, May 12, Sarah, aged 19, bound to serve go years. 
1818, June 2g, Milly, aged 16, bound to serve 45 years. 
1817, November 6, Peter, aged 17, bound to serve 99 years. 

Randolph County Records and others: 

1810, July 14, Maria, aged 15, bound to serve 45 years. 

1811, March 8. Jean, aged ig, bound to serve 9^ years. 

1811, November ig, Duncley, aged 16, bound to serve 40 years. 
1815, December 6, Rebecca, aged 16, bound to serve 40 years. 



12 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

five years; Antony, forty years old, for fifteen years; 
Maria, fifteen years of age, for forty-five years; and Jesse, 
twenty-five years of age, for thirty-five years of service. 1 

The law was further evaded by registering the children 
of colored servants for thirty-five in place of thirty years 
of service on the ground that they were not born in Illi- 
nois. A case in point is Ninian Edward's Joseph, whom 
he registered at Kaskaskia on June 14, 1810, to serve 
thirty-five years. Joseph was then eighteen months old, 
and had just been brought into the Territory with his 
mother. 2 

All this the masters did knowingly, believing, quite 
rightly, that no one would take the trouble to prosecute 
them for holding their slaves to unlawful service. The 
ignorant negroes were deceived into believing that it was 
legal and just to bind themselves for such long periods. 
This deception was kept up until 1840; and one of the 
chief complaints of the slaveholders against the lawyers 
who later defended the negroes in the State Courts was, 
"You tell our slaves they are free." 3 

Transfers of colored servants were frequent. The 
consent of the servant being legally necessary, it was cus- 
tomary to secure it by a commutation of the term of ser- 
vitude, as in the case of Jane, whom Hezekiah Davis of 
Jackson County sold in August, 1817, to Samuel Coch- 
ran, and whose term of service was shortened from fifty 
to forty years. 4 Judging from the bills of sale still extant, 
it is evident that this formality was frequently overlooked, 

1 County Clerk's Register Randolph County, June 8 and July 14, 1810, June 
17, 1811. 

8 County Clerk's Register at Chester, June 14, 1810. Also St. Clair County 
Records under date of August 24, 1852. 

Silvy, one month old, was also registered on October n, 1816. 

3 Personal testimony of Nathaniel Niles, one of the leading antislavery law- 
yers in south-central Illinois before the war. 

4 See Appendix 11. 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 13 

and masters disposed of their property without consulting 
the wishes of the slaves themselves. 

Negroes were also bequeathed by will and sold at auc- 
tion ' like any species of personal property. In making 
bequests some citizens evidently believed that they pos- 
sessed their slaves, soul and body, for all time. The 
majority of these were French, 2 but some were men of 
genuine Southern pioneer stock. 3 Others, like Samuel 
Campbell and Benjamin West, although believing quite as 
firmly in the right of holding slaves, transferred to their 
descendants the "time" of their servants and made just 
stipulations for their freedom in the future. 4 

No attempt was made to conceal the traffic in slaves. 
Frequent notices of desirable negroes "for sale" and 
"wanted" appeared in the "Western Intelligencer" of 
Kaskaskia. The "Missouri Gazette," published at St. 
Louis, and enjoying a considerable circulation in Illinois, 
contained, from 1808 to 1820, many similar advertise- 
ments. The St. Louis Exchange and Land Office, owned 
by S. R. Wiggins, and dealing largely in slaves, not only 
advertised in the Illinois papers, but also had branch 
offices at Kaskaskia and Edwardsville. 5 It was easy, 
however, for the settlers of Southwestern Illinois to cross 
the Mississippi to St. Charles or St. Louis, and the in- 
habitants of Gallatin County to visit Kentucky, at any 
time to purchase slaves. 

1 Auction sales were advertised in the "Western Intelligencer," as, for exam- 
ple, on January 22, 1817, and January 13, 1818. Records of them are preserved 
also at some of the county-seats. 

a See will of Michael Lacroix of Kohokia, probated in St. Clair County, 
June 22, 1848, but signed April 12, 1821. 

3 For example, Benjamin Keykendall of Gallatin County, who bequeathed 
to Pollv Gatten, his negro boy David "to have and to hold as her own prop- 
erty from this time forth and forever." Gallatin County Will Record, March 
31, 1814. 

"Gallatin County Will Record.July 17, 1821. 

St. Clair County Will Record, December 6, 181 q. 

6 "Western Intelligencer," January 23 and February 4, 1818. 



14 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The lot of the indentured servant was not so pleasant 
but that he was glad to escape from it. The first num- 
bers of the "Western Intelligencer" contain rewards 
offered for runaway slaves; and similar notices continued 
to appear until long after the Territory became a State. 1 
Even at this early day, too, the practice of kidnapping 
had begun. Negroes whose terms of service were about 
to expire were seized, carried off to New Orleans and 
the South, and sold into a servitude more wretched than 
before. The Legislature laid the penalty of a thousand 
dollars fine on the abduction of a slave; but the practice 
continued unabated. 2 

Indentured servants were of course taxable property; 
and in two counties at least owners were taxed a dollar 
per year for each one held. 3 Their worth depended 
largely upon the length of their term of service still to 
run. One year's time of a negro was sold for one hun- 
dred dollars. The prices of boys and girls varied from 
three hundred to six hundred dollars, according to their 
physical qualifications and the period of servitude. They 
were used, moreover, as security for the payment of 
notes, or the fulfilment of contracts, and if men had no 
use for their servants themselves, they rented them out 
by the year to their neighbors. 4 

The commonest form of employment for the negroes 

1 They are to be found in the "Edwardsville Spectator" as late as 1829. 

a "Western Spy" (published at Cincinnati) July 25, 1817. Articles on Kid- 
napping in Ohio, lndisfna, and Illinois. 

"Western Intelligencer," May 7, 1817, and "Edwardsville Spectator," 
August 14, 1819. 

3 These were Madison and Randolph. 

Madison County, Records and Indentures, 1813-1818, Vol. I, page 12. 

Randolph County, Records of Court of Common Pleas, Vols. I. and II., 
page 145. 

*See especially cases in Madison County Records. Also Memorandum 
of transaction between Louis Keykendall and lohn Cranshaw of Shawneetown 
concerning a note of 52,000, now in possession of Charles Carroll, Jr., of Shawnee- 
town, and letter of Ninian Edwards to Colonel Wright, dated June 23, 1829, also 
in possession of Mr. Carroll. 



> 3 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORY 15 

was tilling the soil of the plantations, as the farms in 
Southern Illinois were then called; but they were also 
used in all kinds of household work, and served as waiters 
in the taverns, as dairymen, as shoemakers , as cooks, and 
as toilers in the salt mines. 1 The hiring of negroes for 
the last named industry, legalized by statute in 1814, 2 
served as a pretext for the holding of slaves in other parts 
of the Territory. 

"To roll a barrel of salt once a year or to put salt into 
a salt-cellar was sufficient excuse," says Governor Flower, 
"for any man to hire a slave and raise a field of corn.' 
This was not the only scheme resorted to in order to 
evade the laws. The word "servant" was used to cover 
a multitude of sins. No matter under what name the 
farmers held their negroes — whether as "servants," "yel- 
low boys," or "colored girls" — the fact still remained that 
slavery existed in the Territory of Illinois as completely as 
in any of the Southern States. It was not limited to the 
settlements and towns along the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers, but was practised all over the southern portion of 
what is now the State of Illinois, and as far north as San- 
gamon County, 4 which was then just beginning to be 
settled. 

1 In this connection one should note the advertisements in the "Western 
Intelligencer" and "Edwardsville Spectator" during the years 1816-1819. 

2 Statutes of 1814, December 22, Act concerning Negroes and Mulattoes. 

3 George Flower, "History of the English Settlement of Edwards County," 
Chapter 1. 

♦Records of Sangamon County Probate Court, Vol. B, pages 88-89, case of 
Benjamin Farmer, etc. 



CHAPTER III. 

SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION OF 

1818. 

The situation in the years just previous to the forming 
of the first constitution of Illinois was a curious and inter- 
esting one. The majority of the population, other than 
the French, were recent emigrants from the Southern 
States — Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, the Carolinas, 
and Georgia furnished the greater proportion. 1 

Those from the first three mentioned States were the 
better and more enlightened class of Southerners. They 
were keen, intelligent men, progressive in spirit, but con- 
servative by nature. Ever kindly and hospitable to stran- 
gers and friends, they became, when once aroused, bitter, 
passionate, and vindictive opponents in business or poli- 
tics. Strong in their convictions and prejudices, persist- 
ent in the maintenance of existing ideals and institutions, 
they were the champions of justice, equity, and freedom 
of speech and action. 

Some, like Reynolds, Edwards, Coles, and Breese, 
possessing great political and legal talents, rose to posi- 
tions of importance in the State and Nation. The greater 
number were proslavery in their sympathies and ideals, 
although some, like Governor Coles, were strong anti- 
slavery men, and had come to Illinois on purpose to free 
their negroes. 

1 Records of Indentured Servants in Randolph and Madison Counties. 
|ohn Woods, "Two Years' Residence in the Illinois Country,'' Pub. 1822. Geo. 
Flower, "History of the English Settlement of Edwards County." 

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SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 17 

The majority of those who had migrated to the Terri- 
tory from Georgia and the Carolinas belonged to that 
class now usually designated as "poor whites." They 
were ignorant, shiftless, and obstinate. To secure their 
ends they were often unscrupulous and dishonest. The 
times were hard, and the ways and means of earning a 
livelihood extremely limited. In the struggle for existence 
these Georgians had little use for soft measures, but sought 
success by hook or crook, with little regard for persons or 
principles. On the subject of slavery they retained the 
ideas and prejudices of their youth. They were opposed 
to the presence of the free negro, and clung with great 
persistence to their "colored servants." Some would 
have liked to have Illinois a slave State, and all possessed 
a strong antipathy for the settlers from the East, whom 
they designated as "Yankees." 

All classes of Illinoisans were strong believers in the 
personal rights and liberties, guaranteed to all citizens by 
the Constitution of the United States. Every man was a 
politician, intensely interested in all questions relating to 
the welfare and development of the State. Three weeks' 
residence qualified one to vote. 1 There were no organized 
political parties, and the citizens simply took sides on the 
leading questions of the day, such as the opening up of 
the new Territorial lands, the formation of a judiciary, 
the Indian problem, internal improvements, and the estab- 
lishment of a State bank. 2 The contests were between 
men rather than measures. Each candidate placed himself 
in nomination — usually through the medium of the news- 
papers — and ran chiefly on his own merits. 

The slavery question came into prominence as a politi- 

1 "Illinois Intelligencer," September 2, 1818, Editorial. The Constitution 
of 1818 made six months' residence a prerequisite of citizenship. 

2 See the "Western Intelligencer" during the years 1816-17. 



iS NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

cal issue as early as December, 1817. 1 It first appeared 
in connection with the framing of the Constitution of 
1818. The holders of colored servants felt reasonably 
secure in the possession of their property because of the 
Territorial legislation 2 supporting the indenture system 
and of the publicly expressed opinions of Governors St. 
Clair and Ninian Edwards. 3 Yet, as the time for the 
drawing up of the State Constitution drew near, the pro- 
indenture advocates began to lose confidence in the legal 
strength of their position. 

It was seen that in order to secure the admission of 
Illinois into the Union, its constitution must express itself 
against slavery — nominally at least. This the proslavery 
leaders determined should be done. At the same time 
they believed that the new State Legislature could, if it 
so desired, legally reenact later all of the old Territorial 
code of "Black Laws." In order not to arouse public 
suspicion, great secrecy was observed concerning their 
plans and ultimate object. 

The Constitutional Convention was to meet at Kaskas- 
kia in August, 1818. As early as April 1st, articles dis- 
cussing the advisability of making Illinois a slave State, 
and vice versa, began to appear in the "Western Intelli- 
gencer." 4 After the 17th of June there was scarcely an 
edition that did not contain one or more communications 
on the subject. 

1 See the report on the debate in the Legislature concerning the repeal of 
the act admitting negroes and mulattoes into the Territory, in the "Western In- 
telligencer," for December 18,1817. Also Governor Coles's letter to the Rev. 
Thos. Lippencott on this point, published by Lippencott in the "Alton Tele- 
graph," February 24, 1865, in which Coles says (after denying Mr. Lippencott's 
statement in his "Reminiscences," that the slavery question was probably 
not agitated before the Constitution Convention of 1818): "On the contrary, at 
a very early period in the settlement of Illinois, the question was warmly agi- 
tated by zealous advocates and opponents of slavery." 

* Described in Chapter II. 
3 See above, pages 12, 13. 

* "Western Intelligencer," April 1, 1817, article entitled "Slavery," and 
signed "A Republican." 



SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION *9 

The main arguments advanced in favor of slavery were: 
that it would tend to increase the tide of emigration from 
the Southern States towards Illinois, and thereby to pro- 
mote the speedy settlement and improvement of the 
country; that slave labor was necessary to the opening up 
of the new lands; that the liability of slave insurrections 
was less when the negroes were distributed over the nation; 
and that, to provide the colored people with a partial es- 
cape from the servitude of the South by the possibility of 
a transfer to the lighter indenture system of Illinois, would 
be an inestimable blessing to the race. 1 

All this was refuted with considerable force and skill 
by the antislavery supporters, who maintained that slavery 
was a great social and economic, as well as moral, evil; 
and that its perpe f,i ation in Illinois would impede rather 
than advance the progress of the new State. 

Several compromises were suggested, but only one 
was practical. This appeared in an article signed "Pacifi- 
cus" and addressed to the "Honorable Members of the 
Convention of the Illinois Territory." It advocated the 
incorporation of the existing indenture system in the new 
constitution, provided the term of service were made forty 
years, the slaves were instructed in religion and the rudi- 
ments of education, and that a general emancipation 
should occur on January I, i860. 2 This proposal met 
with little acceptance, partly because "Pacificus" was in 
advance of his times, and partly because of the opposition 
to long term indentures, then becoming general. 3 

1 "Western Intelligencer," April i, June 17, July 1, 2, and 22, etc. "A 
Friend to Inquiry" exclaims (July 22), "And would it not be a proud triumph to 
our posterity, after the business of universal emancipation shall have been 
effected, in tracing the effect to the cause, to find its origin in the benevolent 
policy of our Territory?" 

a Published in the "Western Intelligencer." August 12, 1818. 

3 This is shown by the fact that the Constitution of 1818 reduced the time 
limit of indentures from thirty-five to twenty-one years. Ninian Edwards ex- 
pressed himself strongly in favor of one year. 



20 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The election of delegates to the convention occurred 
early in July. The votes were all given viva voce; and 
there was but one polling place in each county. Although 
no organized political parties existed, the majority of the 
candidates were either professed opponents or well-known 
advocates of slavery. Some, like Mr. Elisha Kane, of 
Randolph County, tried to evade the direct issue. 1 

The constitutional convention met on the 3d of August, 
and completed its work on the 26th of the same month. 
Thirty-three delegates were present, representing fifteen 
counties. Among the prominent members were Jesse B. 
Thomas, E. K. Kane, Hezekiah West, and James Hall. 
Unfortunately the minutes of the convention have been 
lost, and the greater part of the records and newspapers 
of the time have disappeared. So it is extremely diffi- 
cult to determine the real attitude of the various delegates 
regarding the slavery question. 2 

Mr. W. Kitchell 3 informs us in the "Illinois Republi- 
can," of June 30, 1824, that there were "twenty-one 
members against the introduction of slavery and twelve in 
favor of it." This should be interpreted to mean, that 
there were twenty-one delegates opposed to putting any 
article in the Constitution of 1 818 that should legalize 
slavery in Illinois, and twelve who favored the introduc- 
tion of such an article. 

There was no distinct division into proslavery and anti- 
slavery parties, as these terms are generally used. The 

'George Churchill's "Annotations," No. 7, in the "Alton Telegraph," May 
12, 1865. 

2 Even if a copy of the Journal of this Convention were in existence, it is 
still questionable whether it would determine for us the exact position of the 
parties on the slavery question. Mr. Churchill — a keen observer and one 
thoroughly acquainted with the history of this period — says that he once pos- 
sessed a copy of this journal, but was not able to make out from it the position 
of the parties. "Annotations" No. 7, "Alton Telegraph,'' May ig, 1865. 

3 Mr. Kitchell was a near relative of Joseph Kitchell, a delegate to the 
Convention from Crawford County, 



SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 21 

vote was decided more by policy than by principle; but it 
is possible to distinguish three classes of men in the con- 
vention of 1818. First, there were those who desired an 
out and out proslavery Constitution; second, those who, 
opposed to slavery in any form, wished an entirely free 
Constitution; and third, a set of "compromisists" who 
preferred to maintain as far as possible the existing sys- 
tem of indentures, while at the same time giving to the 
State the semblance of a free Constitution. 1 These last 
seem to have been numerically the strongest, for they 
succeeded in having their policy adopted. This they 
accomplished by securing the adherence of the men 
opposed to slavery solely on economic grounds, 2 of those 
who feared that Congress would reject the Constitution 
if it contained a distinct provision admitting slavery, 
and finally, of those opposed to slavery on principle, 
who accepted the compromise in lieu of anything 
better. 

This state of affairs in the convention does not seem 
to have been clearly understood at the time by outsiders. 
The general impression was that a strong movement — one 
likely to succeed — was being made to secure a Constitu- 
tion favorable to slavery. 

It was to prevent this that thirteen of the prominent 
men of St. Clair, Madison, Monroe, and Washington 
counties issued an "Address to the friends of Freedom in 

1 The leader of the convention and champion of this compromise party was 
Mr. E. K. Kane, later United States Senator. He has been classed as a pro- 
slavery man, but during the whole period from the election to this convention 
till the vote "for" or "against" a State convention in 1824, he played the part 
of an astute politician who wished to secure the favor and support of both 
sides. He held slaves, however, and was possessed in the main of proslavery 
sentiments. Records of County Clerk, Randolph County, where Mr. Kane's 
slaves were registered, and newspapers of period, especially the "Edwardsville 
Spectator." 

2 George Churchill's "Annotations," No. 7. "Alton Telegraph," May 12, 1865. 
Churchill savs he refused to vote for one of the antislavery candidates as a 
delegate to this convention, because he (the candidate) said he believed 
slavery would be an advantage to the State. 



22 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the State of Illinois," 1 in which they declared that 
"strong exertions will be made in the convention to give 
sanction to that deplorable evil in our State," and earn- 
estly solicited "all true friends of freedom in every section 
of the Territory to unite in opposing it both by the elec- 
tion of a delegate to Congress who will oppose it and by 
forming meetings and preparing remonstrances to Con- 
gress against it." 2 

The "compromisists" were, however, completely suc- 
cessful, as is well shown by Article VI. of the Constitution 
of 1818, which embodies the work and the attitude of thfc 
convention on this subject. The first section reads as 
follows: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall 
hereafter be introduced into this State otherwise than for 
the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have 
been duly convicted. Nor shall any male person arrived 
at the age of twenty-one years, nor any female person 
arrived at the age of eighteen years, be held to serve any 
person as a servant under any indenture hereafter made, 
unless such person shall enter into such indenture while 
in a state of perfect freedom, and on condition that a bona 
fide consideration received or to be received for their ser- 
vice. 3 Nor shall any indenture of any negro or mulatto 
hereafter made and executed out of this State, or if made 
in this State, where the term of service exceeds one year, 
be of the least validity, except those given in case of 
apprenticeship." 4 

In the second section it is provided that slaves bound 
in other States shall not be hired for service in Illinois, 
except (until the year 1825) within the district of the salt 

1 "Illinois Intelligencer," August 5, 1818. 

' Nothing further ever came of it however. 

3 This might easily be a promise of board and clothes merely. 

* Constitution of 1818, Art. VI., Sec. 1. 



SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 23 

works near Shawneetown. Such contracts were limited to 
one year, but were renewable. The third section provided 
that all contracts and indentures made before 18 18 should 
be enforced, and all negroes and mulattoes should serve 
out the full term of years for which they had been bound 
under the Territorial laws. Children of indentured ser- 
vants were to become free, males at twenty-one years of 
age, and females at eighteen. 1 

All this, with a few modifications, was a confirmation 
of the existing system. The poor negroes who were 
already indentured did not have their service lessened by 
a day. The limit of age at which colored people might 
be indentured was reduced from thirty-five years in case 
of males, and thirty-two in case of females, to twenty-one 
years and eighteen years respectively. This was a slight 
advance. 

The limiting of indentures to one year's service and 
making them apparently optional with the negro was sup- 
posed to have practically transformed the slavery in Illi- 
nois into a pleasant sort of personal service. But it did 
not work out that way. Nor is it likely that the majority 
of the framers of this article thought that it would do so. 
It was too easy to force the negroes annually into a 
renewal of their indentures and the majority of the slave- 
holders were too anxious to retain all their property rights 
and the advantages of the preexisting system of inden- 
tures, to allow such loosely defined regulations to hamper 
them much in the management of their colored servants. 
In fact, they seem never to have seriously entertained for 
a moment any intention of giving up the old system of 
indentures, to judge from the laws enacted the following 
March (18 19) "concerning negroes and mulattoes." 

1 Constitution of 1818, Art. VI, Sec. 2. 



24 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

These comprised the greater number of the Territorial 
"Black Laws," including the right of sale or transfer of 
a contract or indenture from one master to another. In 
addition, negroes were forbidden to settle or reside in the 
State without a certificate of freedom; and it was made 
unlawful to bring in slaves for the purpose of emancipat- 
ing them. 1 

Still the one year limit placed on all the new contracts 
for service was an effectual check upon the bringing in of 
negroes and indenturing them for long periods of servi- 
tude. By April, 1819, 2 this custom seems to have been 
largely given up. At least there are no records of regis- 
trations of indentures after that date. This was greatly 
aided by the increasing revulsion in public opinion against 
the practice discountenanced by the new Constitution. 

There was considerable uncertainty as to whether 
Congress would admit Illinois under this Constitution of 
181 8 or not. The first legislature of the State met early 
in October, 18 18, and proceeded to the election of United 
States Senators, and of chief and associate justices for 
Illinois, and to the confirming of the appointments to the 
Governor's cabinet. When this little business had been 
transacted they adjourned, requesting the Governor to call 
them together again when he should have ascertained that 
Congress had admitted the State into the Union. 3 It is 
evident from this unusual action that the Legislature was 
very much in doubt as to the actual outcome of the Con- 
gressional deliberations in the matter. 

1 Act respecting Free Negroes, Sec. 3, Laws of Illinois, i8ig, March 30, 2d 
Session. 

'Randolph and Madison County Indenture Registers. The last slave 
registered in Madison County was David, servant of G. Pattisson, whose name 
was inscribed on April 16, 1819. 

3 1st Volume of Session Laws of Illinois Legislature. 

Geo. Churchill, "Annotations, " No. 7, in "Alton Telegraph," for May 12, 
1865. 

"Illinois Intelligencer," October 14 and 21, 1818. 



SLAVERY AND THE CONSTITUTION 25 

The question of slavery seems to have been the vital 
point. On November 23, 1818, the report of the com- 
mittee ! favoring the admission of Illinois was read in the 
House for the third time. Mr. Talmadge rose in oppo- 
sition, "upon the ground that the Constitution was not 
sufficiently conclusive in the rejection of slavery," the 
article in that instrument respecting slaves being of itself 
alone, in his opinion, sufficient to render the whole inad- 
missible. Mr. Poindexter, of Mississippi, took the lead 
in favoring the admission. He thought the measure rela- 
tive to slavery "fraught with utility" and "an excellent 
safeguard to the negro." While slavery was an evil in 
his eyes, he nevertheless did not believe general emanci- 
pation a thing possible to obtain; and the provision in the 
Constitution of Illinois relative to the negroes seemed to 
be well suited to the condition of things in that locality. 

Mr. Harrison, of Ohio, supported Mr. Poindexter. 
He maintained that the "compact," as he called it, of 
1789, had no reference to the slaves already held in the 
Northwest Territory. He regretted that the people of 
Illinois had not freed their slaves as the citizens of Indiana 
had done; but since her people had the sovereign right 
to do as they chose with their own negroes, he did not 
think the State should be excluded on a mere technicality. 

The discussion was soon ended and a vote taken, which 
resulted in the passage of the bill by 117 ballots for and 
only 34 against. The Senate approved the bill without 
discussion on December I, and Illinois became a State. 2 

By this ready acceptance of the Constitution of Illinois, 
Congress showed its approval of the theory advanced by 

1 Mr. Anderson, of Kentucky, was chairman. 
* "Annals of Congress," Vol. III., pp. 32 and 312. 
"Debates in Congress," Vol. I., pp. 204-7. 
"Illinois Intelligencer," December 23, 1818. 



26 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Governor St. Clair and General Harrison, that the Ordi- 
nance of 1789 did not apply to negroes already held as 
slaves in the Northwest at the time when it was enacted. 
The labors of the compromise party in Illinois were 
thus crowned with success. The State was admitted, and 
the right to retain negroes as "indentured servants" was 
recognized and secured. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION, 

1820-1824. 

The question of the admission of Missouri into the 
Union was debated for the first time in Congress during 
the winter of 1818 to 1819. 1 The people of Illinois took 
a lively interest in the matter. Many were outspoken in 
opposition to the formation of another slave State on their 
border; and the Illinois Senators and Representatives in 
Congress were severely censured because they voted 
against the prohibition of slavery in Missouri. In 
August, 1 8 19, Mr. Daniel P. Cook was elected Repre- 
sentative, largely because his opposition to slavery was 
well known. 2 

This attitude of the people of Illinois on the Missouri 
question, the indirect efforts of many of her citizens to 
prevent the admission of that Territory as a slave State, 
and the able antislavery speeches of Daniel P. Cook in 
the House of Representatives during the following win- 
ter, drew upon the Illinoisans the bitter animosity of the 
slaveholders of Missouri. 

So deeply did the Missourians feel that they and their 
cause had been injured by the attitude of the Illinoisans 
that they determined upon retaliation. The remark was 
commonly heard in Washington circles during the winter 

1 Missouri petitioned the House on March 18, 1818. and in February, 1819, 
the House went into a Committee of the Whole to discuss the question. 

- Mr. Cook's majority was 633. Official records at Springfield; also the 
"Edwardsville Spectator," September 25, 1S19. 

27 



28 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

of 1819-1820 that "it would be doing nothing more than 
justice to Illinois to create a reaction by engaging their 
side of the river in a contest at home, which would pre- 
vent them from so particularly interesting themselves in 
our concerns." 1 

Those Missourians and other Southern leaders desirous 
of striking a blow at the "Yankees" of Illinois, found 
ready sympathizers among the holders of indentured 
negroes in Illinois, who were anxious to introduce into 
their State an unlimited indenture system, or better, un- 
restricted slavery. A scheme was soon agreed upon by 
which an attempt should be made to secure a slave con- 
stitution for Illinois through the calling of a general 
convention for the purpose of revising the existing 
Constitution. 

Because of the numerical superiority of settlers of 
Southern birth, it was believed that one needed only to 
establish a proslavery newspaper at Edwardsville to set 
such a movement in operation. 2 It was agreed to support 
the candidacy of Mr. Elias Kane — then a nominee for 
Representative to Congress, and a well-known proslavery 
sympathizer — and to establish General Joseph M. Street 
as the editor of a new paper at Edwardsville, that should 
advocate the introduction of slavery into Illinois. The 
"Illinois Gazette," of Shawneetown, was to be purchased, 
and if possible, the support of the other newspapers of 
the State was to be secured for their cause. As soon as 
the conditions were deemed favorable it was determined 
that an attempt should be made to secure a vote in the 

1 Letter of a St. Louis gentleman who was in Washington during the winter 
of 1819-20, to Ninian Edwards, and published by him in the "Edwardsville 
Spectator," on Julv 25, 1820. A letter of the Kev. J. M. Feck published in the 
"Free West" on May 3, 1855, and written as comment on Mr. \Varren"s "Remi- 
niscences," confirms this also. 

2 Letter to Ninian Edwards, dated at St. Louis, June 27, 1820, and printed 
in the "Edwardsville Spectator" on July 25. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 29 

Legislature for the calling of a convention to revise the 
State Constitution. 1 

Unfortunately for the conspirators, Mr. Hooper War- 
ren, editor of the "Edwardsville Spectator," and a 
staunch opponent of slavery, became cognizant of their 
plans. He exposed the whole plot in an editorial on July 
II, 1820, laying special emphasis on the significant fact 
that a determined effort to force a slave constitution upon 
the people of Illinois would be made within the next two 
or three years. 

Mr. Kane answered this editorial in a personal letter 
to the "Illinois Intelligencer," dated July 13, 1820. He 
denied he had been nominated by the "old slave party," 
denounced the "scheme to introduce slavery" as a com- 
bination that had never been thought of, and attributed 
the authorship of such an idea, not to the editor of the 
"Spectator," but to "the juggler behind the scenes." 2 
This stout denial of all connection with the so-called 
slavery plot brought out within the next few weeks 
extended and very convincing testimony on this point 
from various leading men in the State, chief among 
whom was Ninian Edwards — the "juggler behind the 
scenes." 

It was well established in this discussion that, although 
Mr. Kane might not have been personally connected with 
this scheme, he must have known of its existence, and 
must have been well aware that he would have the sup- 



1 "Edwardsville Spectator" July 11, 1820, and the various letters publi 
"Spectator" and the "Illinois Intelligencer" during the next three wt 



lishedin 
the "Spectator" and the "Illinofs Intelligencer" during the next three weeks. 

2 "Illinois Intelligencer," July 18, 1820. Ninian Edwards and Hooper Warren 
have both testified that Mr. Edwards had nothing to do with the exposure of 
the plot in the "Spectator" on July n. See the "Spectator" for July 25 and 
August 1, 1820. Mr. Warren, in an editorial on Reminiscences in the "Free 
West" for May 3, 1855, says that Kane issued a furious handbill charging Gov- 
ernor Edwards with having written the article in question. When Mr. Edwards 
heard of it, he said "Stand your ground, Warren. 1 will answer Kane over my 
own name." 



3° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

port of the proslavery element in his candidacy for the 
office of Representative. 1 

Through the remainder of the short campaign of 1820, 
Mr. Kane continued to receive the support of the pro- 
slavery papers and leaders, and was generally regarded as 
the representative of the proslavery party. 2 His opponent 
was Mr. Daniel P. Cook, a man of strong antislavery 
principles, who had, by his superior abilities and capacity 
for work, earned an enviable reputation during the previ- 
ous winter at Washington. He was sustained by the 
antislavery element and re-elected Representative on 
August 7, by the large majority of thirteen hundred and 
twenty-three. 3 

After this defeat the proslavery leaders decided to 
postpone the execution of their plans for two years, in 
order to give time for the allaying of the popular excite- 
ment caused by the exposure of their plans, and to afford 
ample opportunity for the strengthening of their forces 
and the maturing of their designs. Mr. Warren's warn- 
ing was soon forgotten. Some of his friends even thought 
him premature and visionary; but later events have proved 
the truth of his prediction. 4 

In 1822 a Governor, a Representative to Congress, 
and a new State Legislature were to be elected. Although 
there were four candidates for the gubernatorial chair, 
the real contest lay between Edward Coles, a strong 
antislavery man, who had come to the State from 
Virginia three years before, and Joseph Phillips, who 

'Letters and communications in the "Spectator" on July n, 18, 25, and 
August 1, 8, and 20, 1820. 

2 See the "Illinois Intelligencer" and the "Spectator" for July and August. 

3 Official returns as given in records at Springfield. The "Spectator" gives 
Mr. Cook's majority as 3.03b. 

*G. Lippencott, in "Early Days in Madison County,'' printed in the "Alton 
Telegraph" for March 10, 1865. 

Warren's "Reminiscences,'' in the "Free West," May 3, 1855. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 3 1 

was Chief Justice of Illinois and proslavery in his sym- 
pathies. 1 

There was no definite organization into proslavery and 
antislavery parties; yet that question was made a promi- 
nent issue in the campaign. The papers of the day, 
especially the "Spectator," are full of letters and com- 
munications referring to the position of the leading candi- 
dates on this subject. Articles attacking Judge Phillips 
for his proslavery tendencies, and accusing him of being 
connected with the party desiring the introduction of 
slavery into Illinois, were especially numerous. 2 

After an exciting contest Mr. Coles was elected by a 
small plurality of forty-six votes. 3 At the same time Mr. 
Daniel P. Cook was again elected Representative over a 
proslavery opponent, Mr. John McLean, 4 but in the elec- 
tions for the State Legislature a majority of the proslavery 
candidates secured seats. 5 

Mr. Warren had warned the people repeatedly in the 
"Spectator" that a movement was on foot to call a con- 
stitutional convention, and that the only way to preclude 
such an event was to see to it that men of professed anti- 
slavery sentiments were in the majority at the next meeting 
of the Legislature. One of the proslavery newspapers — 
the "Illinois Gazette" — had even boldly announced that 
"exertions are making in the lower section of this State 
for the purpose of introducing slavery into Illinois." 6 
Little if any heed was given to these warnings. The 

•The other candidates were Thomas C. Brown, an Associate Judge, and 
Major General James B. Moore. 

2 "Illinois Intelligencer," "Star of the West" (only few issues extant), and 
the "Spectator" from April 10 to August 24, 1822. 

'Official returns, as given in "Spectator" for December 7. 

* Official records give Mr. Cook's majority as 874. 

6 See the returns in the records at Springfield and the vote of the Legisla- 
ture on the Convention question as given in Appendix IV. 

"Issue of April 6, 1822. 



32 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

people seem to have been indifferent or unsuspicious, 
refusing generally to believe that any such scheme had 
ever been really seriously thought of; and no real effort 
was made, except in a few communities, to secure the 
election of antislavery men. 

The legislature had not been in session many days 
before it was evident that the proslavery men had their 
plans well matured. In his inaugural address, on Decem- 
ber 5, 1822, Mr. Coles made an urgent request for the 
repeal of the so-called "Black Laws" and for legislation 
that would prove effective in preventing the kidnapping 
of free negroes within the State. Committees were ap- 
pointed immediately, both in the Senate and in the House, 
to consider these reforms. The Senate committee admit- 
ted its inability to solve these problems, asserting that 
there was "no other source of remedying the evils men- 
tioned by the Governor than by calling a convention to 
alter the Constitution." In the House a second commit- 
tee ultimately produced a series of laws calculated to pre- 
vent kidnapping and to remove the abuses of the indenture 
system, only to have them tabled. Thus every attempt 
to revise the existing laws on the holding of slaves failed 
completely in both Houses. 1 

One of the most important questions in the early days 
of this session was the contested election of the Repre- 
sentative from Pike County. The rival candidates in the 
August election of that county were Nicholas Hansen and 
John Shaw. Mr. Hansen was a young lawyer of moder- 
ate abilities, but well educated and honest, who had 
opened a land office in Edwardsville in 1819, 2 but later 

1 House and Senate Journals for December 1822. Also the reports of the 
Governor's speech and action of Legislature in the "Spectator'' during the 
same month. 

3 Advertised in the first number of the "Edwardsville Spectator," May 29, 
1819, and for a little over a year thereafter. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 33 

had been appointed Probate Judge for Pike County. John 
Shaw was a clever politician who possessed little educa- 
tion, but through business ability and clever manipulation 
had secured a controlling influence in the affairs of his 
county. 1 

There were but three polling places in Pike County, 
the most important of which was located at the county- 
seat, Colesgrove. On the day of the election Mr. Shaw 
averred there was an illegality in the appointment of some 
of the judges of election, and set up a second polling place 
in Colesgrove. Mr. James Whitney, 2 the Clerk of the 
County, rejected the returns from this unauthorized poll- 
ing place, and gave the certificate of election to Mr. 
Hansen. The legality of Mr. Hansen's election was 
further sustained by certificates of two justices of the 
peace and by the written testimonials of Chief Justice 
Reynolds and several prominent lawyers. 3 

On December 4 — the day following the organization of 
the House for business — the papers relating to the con- 
tested election of Mr. Hansen were taken up and read in 
part. Mr. Shaw was admitted within the bar of the 
House, and after having been approved by the committee 
on elections and discussed in the "Committee of the 
Whole" throughout the good part of one day, the election 

1 For additional particulars see: ...... <,, 

Mr. Lippencott's letters to the "Alton Telegraph, beginning March 3, 1805, 

and entitled "Early Days in Madison County." 

Mr. Churchill's "Annotations," No. 9, in the "Alton Telegraph for May 10, 

Mr. Shaw's "Autobiography" in Reports of the Wisconsin Historical Soci- 
ety, Vol. II. .. . ,„. . , 

Mr. Brown's "Historical Sketch of the Early Movement in Illinois for 
Slavery." 

2 Whom Mr. Warren describes as an "honest, good sort of man." 

3 For the contest in Pike County see "Spectator" editorial in issue of Feb- 
ruary 15, 1823. 

Hansen's account, letter in the "Spectator, March 2g, 1823. 
Shaw's account, letter in the "Spectator," December 13. 
Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County," in "Alton Telegraph 
March 17, 1865. 

Churchill's "Annotations," in "Alton Telegraph, May 10, 1865. 



34 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

of Mr. Hansen was confirmed, on December 9, by a vote 
of twenty to fourteen. 1 

The question seems to have been decided entirely upon 
its merits, irrespective of party considerations. A review 
of the vote shows that Mr. Hansen was sustained by both 
"Conventionists" and "Anticonventionists," while men 
of both of these factions opposed his being seated. 2 And 
as Mr. Washburne suggests, "The fact of the unanimity 
of the committee [on elections] is good evidence that it 
was not a party question." 3 

The Senate committee on the reforming of the "Black 
Laws" had proposed in December a resolution calling for 
a constitutional convention. This was laid on the table 4 
in order to delay voting until there should be present the 
requisite two-thirds majority in favor of such a conven- 
tion. Time, too, was needed to organize and consolidate 
the convention forces in both Houses. There were two 
distinct groups of men favoring a convention, which must 
be united. One section desired a constitutional assembly 
for the purpose of introducing slavery, and the other in 
order to make certain needed constitutional reforms. 5 

It was generally understood that, as soon as John 
Grammer of Union County should arrive, there would be 
a majority in the Senate in favor of a convention. His 
coming was uncertain, and not expected by some. At 

1 House Journal of 1822-1823, page 11; see Appendix. III. 

2 House Journal, pages 46, 47. 

3 "Sketch of Governor Coles," page 80. This has even more force when it 
is remembered that all the members of this committee were proslavery men 
who, it any party questions had been involved, would not have hesitated in 
approving Mr. Shaw's credentials rather than Mr. Hansen's. It is affirmed by 
Mr. Ford and Mr. Reynolds in their histories that Mr. Hansen was given the 
seat to secure his vote for Jesse B. Thomas as Senator. There is no evi- 
dence that this was true. Both candidates were "convention" men, and Mr. 
Thomas was elected Senator by a substantial vote. Senate Journal, page 198. 

4 Senate Journal, page 28. 

6 Mr. Coles's letter to Nicholas Biddle, April 22, 1823, in Washburne's 
"Coles, " page 147. 

Mr. E. J. West's letter to the "Spectator" in issue of July 12, 1823. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 35 

length, on Friday, February 7, 1823, he arrived, was 
sworn in, and took his seat. 1 On Monday, February 10, 
the December Resolution calling for a constitutional con- 
vention was taken up from the table and passed by a vote 
of twelve yeas to six nays. 2 Mr. Thomas Lippencott, the 
Secretary of the Senate, reported the passage of the reso- 
lution to the House the same day. 3 

The conventionist leaders in the House were now nearly 
ready for a decisive vote. They had been industriously 
agitating the matter since the first days of the session. 
Several test votes on the subject had been taken to ascer- 
tain the relative strength of the contending forces, notably 
on January 27, when the resolution in favor of calling a 
convention failed of passing by only two votes. 4 

It was therefore imperative to gain two more votes, 
and no stone was left unturned to win over some of the 
members of the opposition. All other interests fell mo- 
mentarily into the background while the question of a 
convention occupied the thoughts of all. The excitement 
increased. The proslavery element was determined to win 
at any cost, and adopted for its motto, "The Convention 
or Death." Promises, alluring inducements, and even 
threats were freely indulged in. Numbers of "lobby mem- 
bers" from Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and our own 
State hung about the corridors and anterooms, stimulating 
popular sentiment in favor of the introduction of slavery. 

News of the contest spread over the State, and instruc- 
tions began to pour in upon the members. At length Mr. 
Ratten, of Green County, announced that he was author- 
ized by his constituents to vote for the convention. Mr. 

1 Senate Journal, page 28. 

2 Senate Journal, page 30. 

3 House Journal of 1823, page 424. 

* House Journal of 1823, pages 2S6, 287. 



36 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

McFatridge, of Johnson County, was won over by the 
promise to remove the county seat of that county from 
Vienna to Bloomfield. 1 Success now seemed assured. 
The proslavery men were jubilant. 

On February II, the convention resolution of the Sen- 
ate was taken up in the House and put to vote. The 
result astonished everyone. The returns showed twenty- 
three for and thirteen against the resolution; it had there- 
fore failed to pass by one vote. Some one had changed 
sides at the last moment. On reading the names it was 
seen at once to have been Mr. Hansen, of Pike County. 2 

The rage and indignation of the conventionists knew 
no bounds. Hansen was assailed from all sides. His 
action was not understood at the time, and all sorts of 
rumors were soon afloat about him. It was said that the 
Governor had bought him over by the promise of an ap- 
pointment to the office of Recorder of Fulton County; 
but there is no foundation for such a statement. 3 

Mr. Hansen's own account of the affair is honest and 
straightforward enough to be readily accepted as true. 
He assures us that he was always opposed to a conven- 
tion, but voted with that party in order to gain time to 
carry through certain measures of importance to his 
county, feeling certain that there was no danger of a 
convention resolution passing before the arrival in the 
Senate of John Grammer, of Union. He was led to such 
a policy by "having received repeated intimidations, and 
in two instances positive declarations, that the vote of my 
contested election would be reconsidered if I opposed a 

1 This promise was never kept. 

2 House Journal, pages 435, 436. 

3 Letter of the Special Correspondent of the "Spectator" at Vandalia in 
the "Edwardsville Spectator" for February 15, 1823. Fulton County had just 
been organized out of a section of Pike. See the House Journal, pages 215, 219, 
228, and 232. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 37 

convention; and the disposition of the majority to succeed 
at any rate left no doubt in my mind that such a measure 
was very probable, if not certain." ' 

He was not free from the natural desire to retain office 
when once in his seat; but he is to be commended that he 
did not allow personal ambition and the petty interests of 
Pike County in the end to triumph over his political prin- 
ciples and the welfare of the State. 

The failure to obtain the necessary two-thirds majority 
in the House, caused by Mr. Hansen's change of front, 
would result in a complete defeat of the measure unless a 
reconsideration of the vote could be effected. As soon as 
the result of the ballot was known, Mr. Daimwood (a 
conventionist) therefore moved to reconsider, but he was 
ruled out of order by the Speaker, whose decision was 
sustained by a vote of the House. The House then 
adjourned for the day amid considerable confusion and 
excitement. 2 

That night — the nth of February — there was a public 
indignation meeting held in the State House, where 
speeches were made by lobby members and a popular 
movement inaugurated to intimidate the minority party. 
When the meeting was over, a crowd of men and boys 
burnt Hansen in effigy, and marched about the streets of 
Vandalia beating drums, blowing horns, and shouting, 
"The Convention or Death." They paraded before the 
residences of Mr. Churchill and other members of the 
minority, where "three groans for Churchill," Hansen, 
and others, and "three cheers for the Convention" were 

1 Mr. Hansen's "Address to the Public," dated March 20, and published in 
the "Spectator" March 29. This attempt to intimidate Mr. Hansen is corrobo- 
rated by Thomas Lippencott (the Secretary of the Senate) and Mr. George 
Churchill (a member of the House at the time) in their Reminiscences in the 
"Alton Telegraph, ' March 17 and June 2, 1865. 

2 House Journal, pages 43-46. 



38 



NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 



given. 1 It was thought that such a demonstration would 
serve to frighten some of the opposition into a recession 
from their position. 

The same night it was argued among the convention 
leaders that Mr. Hansen must be turned out and Mr. 
Shaw seated in his place. Some of the members of the 
House even signed an agreement with this object in view. 2 

The following morning, contrary to customary parlia- 
mentary rules, 3 it was voted to reconsider the question of 
the election of Mr. Hansen. The documents relative to 
that subject were produced and reread; but the only new 
evidence submitted was the affidavit of Levi Roberts, 4 
dated January 28, 1823, testifying that in his opinion Mr. 
Shaw had been elected Representative of Pike County by 
a majority of twenty-nine votes. In the debate which 
followed neither Mr. Field nor any of the other members 
of the majority advanced convincing or satisfactory argu- 
ments in favor of Mr. Shaw's right to the seat. 

1 "Spectator," February 15, 1823, letter from Vandilia correspondent. 
"Spectator," March 8, 1823, letter from "a member." 
"Spectator," April 19, 1823, letter from "a lobby member." 
"Spectator," September 27, 1823, letter signed by the "Stenographer of the 
Caucus." 

Mr. Churchill's "Annotations," No. 13, 14, 15, in the "Alton Telegraph" of 
June 30th, July and August 11, 1865. 

Mr. Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County," "Alton Telegraph," 
April 7, 1865. 

According to Mr. Churchill a local poet wrote up this affair as follows (in 
part): 

"And those we'd reason to suspect, 
Subscribed a bond to that effect.* 
*To remove Mr. Hansen and seat Mr. Shaw in his place. 
With this the meeting then broke up 
And sallied forth to take a cup 
Of good hot new Convention Whiskey, 
In order to feel fine and frisky." 
Then after describing the burning of Hansen in effigy and the torchlight 
procession, he closes the scene with 

"Till tired at last we skulked to bed 
And rested many an aching head." 
* A writer who signs himself "A Republican" in an article printed in the 
"Spectator," February 3, 1824, says that eighteen members signed this bond. 

3 Rule No. 20 of Jefferson's Manual (then the standard authority for all 
Legislative bodies) reads: — "Nor shall any motion for reconsideration be in 
order unless made on the same day on which the vote was taken or within the 
next two days of the actual session of the Senate thereafter." 

4 A personal friend of Mr. Shaw and a resident of Pike County. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 39 

On the other hand, the defense of Mr. Hansen was 
most ably conducted by Mr. Churchill and Mr. Mather. 
They argued, with reason, that the decision of the House, 
based on a satisfactory report of its committee on elec- 
tions, ought not to be reversed merely on the presentation 
of such slight and insufficient new evidence; and they 
emphasized the injustice of removing Mr. Hansen at that 
late date without allowing him an opportunity of procur- 
ing new testimony. All in vain. The Conventionists 
were determined to force the issue at any cost, and a 
resolution giving the contested seat to Mr. Shaw was 
hurried through by a vote of twenty-one to fourteen. 1 

Certain, at length, of a controlling vote, the majority 
hastened to complete their work. The ruling of the 
Speaker that Mr. Daimwood was out of order, in moving, 
on the previous day, a reconsideration of the convention 
resolution, was reversed, and the original motion favor- 
ing a convention was taken up and passed by a ballot 
of twenty-four to twelve with the aid of John Shaw's 
vote. 2 

The convention forces were jubilant, and that night 
their victory was celebrated by another noisy street parade. 
But "murder will out," and within three days the whole 
proceedings of the sessions of February 1 1 and 12 were 
made public by the "Illinois Intelligencer." It was 
asserted in addition, that the real object of the Conven- 
tionists was the introduction of slavery into the State. 3 

1 House Journal, pages 440-445. 

2 House Journal, page 446. 

3 Editorial, written by the Junior Editor, Mr. W. H. Brown, in the "Intelli- 
gencer" for February 15, 1823. For this Mr. Brown was forced to sell out his 
interest in the paper to Mr. Berry, a Conventionist member of the House, who 
was associated with him as Editor. 

See also article signed "A. B. ' in the "Intelligencer," February 15. 

Editorial in the "Spectator," February 22. 

After Mr. Brown's editorial appeared the feeling in Vandalia was so strong 
against the paper that a mob collected in front of the office and threatened to 
destroy the press. 



4° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

This the friends of the convention tried in vain to 
deny. The story of the contest in the Legislative halls 
— often exaggerated and grossly overdrawn in details 
— spread rapidly over the State, and everywhere the 
outrage of unseating Mr. Hansen worked to their disad- 
vantage. 

No time was lost in opening the campaign. The 
Legislature, 1 having accomplished nothing of lasting im- 
portance to the State, adjourned on February 18, but on 
the 15th the leading Conventionists had held a public 
meeting in Vandalia and drawn up "An Appeal to the 
citizens of Illinois." 

The policy of the Conventionists at first seems to have 
been to separate the question of slavery from that of the 
convention. In their "Appeal" 2 no mention was made 
of slavery, but the calling of a convention was urged on 
the ground that several imperative reforms in the State 
Constitution demanded it. The connection of the two 
issues was denied in the "Illinois Intelligencer." 3 Some 
of the leading Conventionists announced with naive frank- 
ness that the two questions were quite distinct, 4 but for 
the most part no mention was made of slavery at first in 
the public speeches or published articles of the friends of 
the convention. 

The opponents of a constitutional convention hastened 

1 In the "Spectator" for March 1, 1823, there appeared the following 
"Epitaph" : 

"Beneath this cold and earthly pall, 
Sleeps soft a Legislature, 
Whom all the world, 1 think will call 

A black, infernal creature. 
His beauty bloomed! Oh what a pink! 

His death, Oh what a chasm ! 
But sure the world will laugh to think 

The D safely has 'im." 

'Published in the "Spectator," March 1, 1823. 

3 Mr. Berry's editorials in the March issues. 

4 For instance, Mr. E. J. West in letter to "Spectator" published July 12. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 41 

to answer the "Appeal" of the Conventionists in another 
"Appeal to the People of Illinois," dated February 18, 
and signed by fifteen members of the minority party in 
the Legislature just adjourned. They denounced the 
recent action of the Senate and House in favor of a con- 
vention as a movement for the introduction of slavery into 
Illinois, and urged the people in eloquent and imperative 
terms to give the subject their most earnest consideration, 
and to rise in the defense of freedom. 1 

The struggle was now on. Both parties organized 
their forces early. The Conventionists placed the general 
direction of their campaign in the hands of a central 
committee of ten, resident at Vandalia, and appointed 
sub-committees in every county and township. There 
were on an average fifteen men at work in each 
county as "recruiting sergeants"; but at times there 
were nearly double that number actively engaged for 
a month or six weeks previous to some great convention 
rally. 2 

The Anticonventionists held a secret meeting on Febru- 
ary 18 at a house where several of them boarded, and 
contented themselves for the present with simply appoint- 
ing a committee to raise funds, requesting the Rev. 
Thomas Lippencott to make sure that the "Edwards- 
ville Spectator" would support their cause, and con- 

1 "Spectator" March 1, 1823. The names of the signers were: Ridson 
Moore, William Kinkade, G. Cadwell, A. Bankson, Zach. Ogle, Curtiss Blake- 
man, Abram Cairnes, Thos. Mather, Wm. Lowry, James Sims, Daniel Parker, 
Geo. Churchill, Gilbert T. Pell, D. McGahey, and S. Stillman. There were 
three others who voted against this convention resolution, namely, Emmitt, 
Frazier, and Pugh, who did not sign this appeal. Very likely, as Mr. W'ash- 
burne suggests, they had gone home, or could not be found in time to secure 
their signatures. 

' "Spectator," August 16, 1823, and April 13, 1824. 

Governor Coles's letters to Robert Vaux and Morris Birkbeck, dated 
December 11, 1823, and January 29, 1824, published in Washburne's "Coles," 
pages 162 and 182. 

In Madison County the Conventionists had twenty -five men at work 
between June 28 and August g, the latter being the date of one of their special 
meetings. 



42 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

tributing money for the immediate publication of their 
appeal. 1 

At first the weight of influence and power seemed to 
be on the side of the Conventionists. A majority of the 
leading politicians, such as ex-Governor Bond, Judge 
Phillips, Elias Kane, T. W. Smith, and Benjamin West, 
were enlisted in their cause. 2 The press of the South, as 
well as the papers of St. Louis, which had a considerable 
circulation in Illinois at the time, supported them. They 
controlled four out of the five newspapers of the State, 3 
while in the extreme south of Illinois there existed already 
a strong sentiment in favor of the introduction of slavery. 

The Anticonventionists did not lack able leaders. In 
their ranks we find Governor Coles, displaying more than 
usual activity and energy; Samuel D. Lockwood, judge 
of the Probate Court; Thomas Mather and George 
Churchill, leaders of the minority in the recent Legisla- 
ture; J. M. Peck, the preacher and agent of the American 
Bible Society; Thomas Lippencott, secretary of the Illi- 
nois Senate; and Hooper Warren, the talented editor of 

1 For the proceedings of this meeting, see "Alton Courier," July 15, 

i 8 5 8 ; and - . . , • j L , L 

a. Copy of the list of subscriptions, etc., in writing and signed on back by 
Captain Curtiss Blakeman, dated February 15, 1823. in Appendix 111. C. 

b. "Spectator," June 28, 1823. Letter describing same by Thomas Lippen- 
cott to "Illinois Intelligencer" lor June 12. 

c. Lippencott "Early Days in Madison County," No. 37 in "Alton Tele- 
graph" for April 7, 1865. 

2 For a more complete list see the "Intelligencer" and "Spectator" for 
1823-1824, especially the issue of March 1, 1823. 

Reynolds, "History of Illinois," page 154. 

3 Mr. Coles's Letter to Nicholas Biddle, April 22, 1823 (Washburne, p. 147). 
The "Illinois Intelligencer," owned by Win. Berry, a member of the "Con- 
vention majority" in the House, was their leading organ. 

The "Shawneetown Gazette," edited by Henry Eddy, favored their cai:se, 
1 ut was sufficiently broad minded to publish the famous "Jonathan Freeman 
Letters" of Morris Birkbeck. 

The "Star of the West" was started at Edwardsville on September 14, 
1822, but failed before the end of the contest. 

The "Illinois Republican" (which replaced the "Star of the West" at 
Edwardsville under the editorship of T. W. Smith) and the "Republican Advo- 
cate" were less pronounced on the subject of slavery. 

They made an effort to win over the filth, the "Edwardsville Spectator' 
also, but' in vain. ("Spectator," May 10, 1823.) 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 43 

the "Edwardsville Spectator." With one exception, 1 
these opponents of the convention worked together in 
complete harmony. They displayed everywhere the 
greatest activity. Societies 2 with secretaries of corre- 
spondence, and financial committees were organized in 
.many counties. "No Convention and Freedom" was 
taken as a motto; and every energy was devoted to the 
task of agitation. It is a notable fact, moreover, that a 
large number of ministers took part in the contest, and 
always on the side of the Anticonventionists. 3 

The chief strength of the opponents of the convention 
lay in the number of gifted writers and thinkers who 
enlisted in their cause. Many of the articles written by 
them were so exceedingly well conceived and so cleverly 
put that the Conventionist writers were never able to con- 
trovert them. In reading over the fragments of this con- 



1 Governor Coles and Hooper Warren had a disagreement over the policy 
to be pursued by the antislavery element on the opening of Governor Coles's 
administration. The Governor thought he ought to inaugurate a campaign 
against slavery in his inaugural address by advocating the repeal of the "Black 
Laws," while Warren said that such an action was inexpedient and would pre- 
cipitate the convention question. Warren criticised Governor Coles's action 
in this regard rather severely through his paper, which act displeased Mr. 
Coles, and he refrained from contributing much to Mr. Warren's paper during 
the contest over the vote for a convention. 

Lippencott's "Early Days in Madison County," Nos. 37 and 39, in "Alton 
Telegraph," April 7 and 21, 1865. 

Churchill "Annotations" — March 10, 1865, in "Alton Telegraph," quotes 
Governor Coles's letters to him on subject. 

'Societies were founded: 

Madison County, July 4, "Spectator," July 12, 1823. 

Monroe County, May 31, "Spectator," May 31, 1823. 

Sangamon County, July 4, "Spectator," May 31, 1823. 

Edgar County, July 4, "Spectator," August g, 1823. 

Pike County, July 4, "Spectator," August q, 1823. 

Greene County, July 4, "Spectator," August 9, 1823. 

Morgan County, July 4, "Spectator," August 30, 1823. 

Lawrence County, August 11, "Spectator," September 6, 1823. 

Piason Township, Greene County, "Spectator," September 20, 1823. 

White County, December 27, "Spectator," March ifc, 1824. 

St. Clair County, March 22, "Spectator," April 12, 1823. 

Bond County, "Spectator," March 21, 1823. 

See also J. M. Peck's letter, No. 3, in the "Free West," May 3, 1855. 

3 Rev. Mr. Peck assures us that there were thirty present at the formation 
of the St. Clair Anticonvention Society. The Rev. Thomas Lippencott was 
prominent in the Madison County Society, and a number of other clergymen 
contributed articles to the "Spectator." 



44 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

test which still remain, one is struck with the superior 
excellence of these antislavery papers. 1 The arguments 
of their opponents in comparison seem singularly lacking 
in force, in logic, and in originality. No Conventionist 
ever produced anything equal to Morris Birkbeck's 2 "Let- 
ters of Jonathan Freeman, ' ' 3 which caught the public mind as 
perhaps few political treatises have ever done in this State. 
The extended interval which must elapse between the 
adjournment of the Legislature in February, 1823, and 
the next general election in August, 1824, was another 
item in favor of the Anticonventionists. It gave time to 
arouse public sentiment in their favor and permitted them 
to profit by the rapidly increasing immigration into the 
State from the East and North. In the year 1823 three 
new counties — Morgan, Marion, and Edgar — were organ- 
ized, each one of which was settled largely by antislavery 
men. 4 This was a promising sign for the opponents of 
the convention, since nearly every person opposed to 
slavery was also an opponent of the convention or became 
such by the time the election arrived. 

1 See numerous articles in the "Spectator," 1823-24, signed by "Laocoon," 
"A Looker On," "A Friend to Liberty," "A Republican," "Aristides," "Benev- 
olus," "Freedom," "Josiah Wright," "A Citizen of St. Clair County," "A Sixty- 
sixter," "A Friend to Illinois," and "One in Many" (Governor Coles), etc. 
After Coles purchased the "Illinois Intelligencer," he says "there were very 
few numbers of that paper which did not contain something from my pen." 
This was during a period of three months just before the election, namely, from 
May nth to August 2d. This work included a series of articles, which were 
intended to summarize the speeches and writings of the most celebrated men 
of Europe and America on the question of slavery, and which were published 
under the title of " The Voice of Virtue, Wisdom, and Experience on the Sub 
ject of Negro Slavery." Besides this, he did a great work in procuring and 
publishing, at his own expense, numerous pamphlets, or popular works in 
pamphlet form, on slavery that could be obtained through an extensive corre- 
spondence, largely in the East. Among others, his friend Robert Vaux, of 
Philadelphia, contributed several articles. Then he assisted his party with 
advice and support, especially the "Anticonvention Society" at Edwardsville. 

See Coles's letter to Lippencott, published in "Alton Telegraph," April 

21, 1865. 

2 An Englishman and farmer of Edwards County, one of the pioneer set- 
tlers of the State. 

3 Published in the "Shawneetown Gazette.' 

4 All three gave Anticonvention majorities in 1824. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 45 

Meanwhile the work of agitation was being vigorously- 
pushed by both parties. Speeches were made in all the 
county seats and leading towns. At every public dinner 
toasts were given on one side of the question or on the 
other. Thousands of pamphlets were printed and dis- 
tributed broadcast, 1 while through the press the contest 
was carried on with nearly equal vigor on both sides. 
The Conventionists were no longer able to ignore the 
connection of slavery with the movement for a con- 
vention; and in June, 1823, they boldlv admitted the 
fact. 2 

As the time for the election approached, the excite- 
ment increased. All sorts of accusations were hurled 
against the leaders of both parties. The feeling became 
bitter and intense between the contending forces. Per- 
sonal encounters were not infrequent. Liquor flowed 
freely, especially in the so-called "Convention groceries," 
where the leading political questions were discussed day 
and night, and where every one who entered was forced 
to give "three cheers for the Convention," whether he 
knew what this meant or not. The spirit manifested 
throughout the contest by the Conventionists was vindic- 
tive and abusive, while the discussions of the antislavery 
men were dignified and convincing in tone. 3 

1 Large numbers were sent in packages and boxes to various central points 
for distribution. Governor Coles is accredited with having furnished most of 
the money used for this purpose. See "Free West," May 3, 1855. 

2 The editor of the "Shawneetown Gazette" declared on June 14, 1823, that 
the people of the region of the salt mines are all determined to have slavery in 
some form, and intend to use the convention to that end. 

3 A comparison of the toasts given at the public dinners of the two con- 
tending parties shows this most clearly. Among those given by Convention- 
ists we find these: "The Convention — The means of introducing and spread- 
ing the African fam'ly." (Three cheers.) "The Enemies of the Convention — 
May they ride a porcupine saddle on a hard trotting horse a long way without 
money or friends." "May those individuals who are opposed to our cause, be- 
fore the next election abandon the State of Illinois; and then we will have a free 
silver circulation, combined with a numerous black population." "The State 
of Illinois— The ground is good, prairies in abundance. Give us plenty of 
negroes, a little industry, and she will distribute her treasures." "Slavery— A 



4 6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The press of Ohio and of the East endeavored to 
support the Anticonventionists. But these efforts were 
neutralized by the irritation caused among many well- 
meaning citizens, by their continued haranguing on the 
rights of the Federal Government, and what it would do 
in case Illinois adopted a slave constitution. 1 

At length two events occurred which turned the scale 
in favor of the antislavery party. On December 9, 1823, 2 
the State House at Vandalia was set on fire by a mob 
which paraded the streets shouting "the State House or 
Death, ' ' and burned Governor Coles in effigy amid mournful 
groans. These proceedings were laid at the door of the con- 
vention party, and it never successfully denied the charge. 3 

In the spring of 1824 the "Illinois Intelligencer," the 
chief organ of the Conventionists, became financially em- 
barrassed. The leaders of that party failed to come to 
the assistance of the editor, either because they did not 
realize the seriousness of the situation or because their 
own finances were running low. In May, Mr. Berry was 

political hobby-horse which some of our great men have loved to saddle. (Six 
cheers. Go to the D and shake yourself.)"* 

And among the anticonvention toasts there were the following: "The 
Crisis — It is big with the fate of Illinois, and requires every friend of freedom 
to rally under the banners of the Constitution.' f "The Freedom of the Late 
Northwest— May it be like the little stone that was cut out without hands, and 
became a great mountain and filled the earth." (Nine cheers.) "The Con- 
vention or no Convention — The world listens to hear the decision of our moral 
and political character pronounced by ourselves." (Six cheers. )i "We have 
confidence in the people of Illinois to support a free constitution and prohibit 
slavery; if we should be disappointed in the people, we still have confidence in 
the general government." (Six cheers )§ 

* "Spectator" for July n and 23. 1823. 

t Given by Governor Coles at dinner given in Edwardsville in his honor on 
5th of March, 1823. "Spectator," March 8, 1823. 

t Given at dinner of Sangamon County Anticonventionists, held in honor of 
Coles and Cook on July 4, 1823. "Spectator," July 8, 1823. 

§ "Spectator,'' July 23, 1823. 

1 See Coles's letter tn Nicholas Biddle, dated September 18, 1823, and given 
in Washburne, page 159. And "Trenton True American," "Philadelphia 
National Gazette," "Chilicothe (Ohio) Gazette," "Circleville (Ohio) Ohio 
Branch," "Cincinnati National Republic," and the "Spectator," May 3, 1823, 
May 10, 1823, June 14, 1823, and June 21, 1823. 

'"Spectator," December 13, 1823. 

3 The purpose of the burning is not known, unless it was to destroy the 
records of the previous Session of the Legislature, which showed up clearly the 
corruption practised by the Conventionists. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 47 

forced to close his doors. The news reached Mr. Coles, 
who hastened to purchase the paper and to place it in the 
hands of Mr. Samuel D. Lockwood as editor. 1 

The antislavery partisans were jubilant, while the Con- 
ventionists were astonished and chagrined. Three months 
yet remained before the election, and the "Intelligencer" 
was used by the Anticonventionists throughout all that 
time to great advantage. Governor Coles ordered the 
paper to be sent regularly to all the old subscribers, no 
matter if they ordered it to be discontinued or refused 
to pay for it. In this way large numbers of citizens were 
reached whom the antislavery party could not hope to 
touch through any other channel. 

The August election day drew near. Signs of the 
weakening of the convention boom were seen in the fail- 
ure of the "convention groceries" here and there. 2 The 
Anticonventionists took great care to warn the people 
against spurious ballots, and Mr. Warren printed the act 
of the Legislature containing the regulations for voting 
"for" or "against" a convention in the "Spectator."'* 
Nevertheless, the Conventionists printed cleverly arranged 
ballots, which in the hands of ignorant or careless people 
might easily be cast for the convention, when the holders 
really intended to vote against it. 4 

1 "Illinois Intelligencer," May n, 1823 — Berry and David Blackwell were 
then owners of the "Intelligencer." In order not to arouse the suspicions of 
the Conventionists, Coles leaned Blackwell the money to buy out Berry and 
pay up debts of the paper, on condition that the p;iper be put into Coles's 
hands for editorship, until the pending political contest should be decided. 
See also Coles's letter to Thomas Lippencott, printed in Lippencott s "Earlv 
Davs in Madison County," No. 40, "Alton Telegraph," May 5, 1865. Peck, in 
the "Free West," May 3, 1855. 

* "Spectator," July 6, 1824, and following numbers. 
3 "Spectator," July 13. 

4 One of these ballots has been preserved. It reads: 
"People's Ballot. 
"For a new Constitution. 
"For the article prohibiting banks. 
"For the exclusion of negroes and mulattoes. 
"No right of suffrage or office for negroes and mulattoes. 
"For laws excluding negroes and mulattoes from coming into and vot- 
ing in the State." 



48 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The 2d of August came. At the polls the antislavery 
men were confident and jubilant, the Conventionists deter- 
mined but despondent. The result was a decided victory 
for the opponents of the convention. The figures were 
4,972 votes for, and 6,640 against, or a majority of 1,668 
votes against the convention out of a total ballot of 1 1,612.' 

At the same time Mr. Daniel Cook (antislavery) was 
elected Representative over Ex-Governor Bond (proslav- 
ery) by a large majority, 2 and the Anticonventionists made 
substantial gains in the elections to the State Legislature. 3 

The results of this victory to the State and people of 
Illinois were considerable. The question, Shall Illinois 
be ranked among the slave States? was settled once and 
forever. Emigration from the South was checked, be- 
cause Southerners would not go to a country where the 
prospects of retaining their slaves were extremely limited. 
On the other hand, the door was more effectually opened 
to emigrants from the North and from the East; and 
within six years they had poured into Central and North- 
ern Illinois so numerously as to preclude the possibility of 
the proslavery element ever gaining supreme control in 
State affairs. Thus the character of immigration to our 
State was early determined; and the predominance of 
antislavery sympathizers made the problems of later 
generations easier to solve. 4 

1 Official returns as given in records at Springfield. 

1 Official returns give 3,016 as Mr. Cook's majority. 

'Official returns— In the House the parties stood: 22 antislavery, 14 pro- 
slavery; Senate, 11 proslavery, 7 or 8 antislavery. The exact status in the 
Senate, after the election, is most difficult to determine. The vote on January 
18, 1825, resulted in a defeat for Morris Birkbeck (for Secretary of State) by 7 
ballots (antislavery) to 10 (proslavery). However, one or more Senators were 
absent, and one proslavery man (Widen) voted for Birkbeck. 

4 It is not claimed here that the Southern element already in the State did 
not play an important role in later Illinois history; but if the people had been 
evenly divided on the question of negro servitude, the contest over that subject 
in the State would have been vastly more severe, and more difficult to settle. 
If the majority had been proslavery men, there is not much doubt that the 
State might have been divided at the opening of the Civil War. 



THE CONTEST FOR A CONVENTION 49 

It was a great advantage economically, moreover, that 
the institution of slavery was thus early excluded from the 
prairies of Illinois. If it had been encouraged, slave 
labor would have driven out all other labor, the want of 
independent, energetic, and progressive farmers would 
have been felt, and the development of the country very 
materially retarded. Further, the State was saved a 
lengthy contest with the Federal Government on the 
question of its right to change its practically free Consti- 
tution, on the basis of which it had been admitted into the 
Union, for one which recognized the institution of slavery. 1 

•The Constitution of 1818 was not submitted to the people for approval; 
and doubtless the proposed one would not have been. Therefore the vote of 
1824 was the only opportunity for the people to show their will. 



CHAPTER V. 

NEGRO SERVITUDE UNDER THE CONSTI- 
TUTION OF 1818. 

The triumph of the Anticonventionists in Illinois was 
generally regarded, both in the North and South, as an 
antislavery victory, and the prevailing opinion seems to 
have been that a strong antislavery party existed within 
the State. The population at once increased rapidly 
through immigration, so that the number of inhabitants 
rose from 55,211, in 1820, 1 to 71,309, in 1825, 2 and 
attained the remarkable figure of 157,575 by 1830. 1 
Within the same ten years thirty-four new counties were 
organized, of which twenty-nine were settled chiefly by 
Eastern men and but five by men of Southern sympathies. 3 

One might naturally infer from this, that a strong anti- 
slavery party would be evolved from the anticonvention 
party as a nucleus, or at least a powerful antislavery senti- 
ment created during the decade from 1820 to 1830, which 
would have brought about the dissolution of the indenture 
system. Nothing of the kind occurred. No antislavery 
movement of any sort grew out of the contest of 1 823-1 824. 

With the vote in August, 1 824, the organization of the 
Anticonventionists fell to the ground. The discussion of 
slavery in the papers ceased. 4 People generally stopped 

1 United States Census, 1820 and 1830. 

a State Census of 1825, as given in the "Spectator," January 14, 1826. 

3 Vote by counties on the convention in the records of the Secretary of 
State: List of counties and date o f organization given in Moses 1 "Illinois," 
Appendix, Vols. 1 and 11; and on Blanchard's map of Illinois. 

*The "Spectator" and "Intelligencer" from August, 1824, to January, 1826, 
contain but one article, "Total Abolition," in "Spectator," November 2, 1824. 

50 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 51 

talking about it, and it played no vital part in the selec- 
tion of a United States Senator in 1826, 1 or in the popu- 
lar elections of 1826, 1828, and 1830. 2 The subject of 
slavery seems to have been dropped by common consent. 
The Anticonventionists, joyous over their victory, felt no 
desire to carry the matter further, since the State was safe 
from slavery for all time. The Conventionists were 
anxious to see the topics of slavery and convention sink 
as rapidly as possible into oblivion. They desired to 
regain popularity and to be free from the taint of associa- 
tion in the scheme to make Illinois a slave State. So the 
subject was allowed to fade quietly out of mind, no word 
even being raised against the holding of negroes as inden- 
tured servants. 

The courts sustained masters in their right to hold 
slaves, 3 and the Legislature showed little disposition to 
repeal the "Black Laws" of 1819. In 1825 the freeing 
of negroes who had lately come within the State was 
made possible under certain conditions, 4 but no law was 
enacted which altered in any way the existing contracts 
for personal service. In fact, the disposition was to 
strengthen rather than to weaken the position of the 
master. 

In 1827 and 1829 laws were passed forbidding Negroes 
to act as witnesses in the courts against any white person, 
and prohibiting them from suing for their freedom. 5 
Judges were ordered not to grant freedom to slaves, but 

•Between E. K. Kane and John McLean, "Spectator," December 7, and 
November 30, 1824; Senate Journal, p. 38. 

2 There is no mention of slavery in the "Spectator" or Intelligencer" in the 
weeks preceding these elections. 

3 Cornelius v. Cohen, in 1825, 111. Supreme Court Decisions, "Breeze," 
page 131. 

Nance v. Howard, in 1828, "Breeze," page 242. 

* Senate Journal, page 170 (1825^; Home Journal, page 102. 

6 Session Laws, 1827, "An Act Concerning Practice." 



52 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

to turn them over to the sheriff, who should send them 
back to their owners. 1 This last referred primarily to 
fugitives from the Southern States, but it applied equally 
well to the Illinois servants. It was provided, in addition, 
in 1826, that all slaves who attempted to escape must 
serve extra time in payment for the expenses of recapture. 2 

The number of negroes held in Illinois under the in- 
denture system gradually decreased. In 1830 there were 
only seven hundred and forty-six. 3 This was due to 
deaths, removals from the State, expiration of indenture 
contracts, and the granting of freedom papers. 4 There 
were comparatively few persons, however, like J. S. 
Colton and Joseph Atwater, of Madison County, who 
freed their slaves on principle. They were too valuable 
property to be parted with easily. Usually we find mas- 
ters granting freedom to their negroes, because, "he has 
compensated me by his labor and money for the amount 
I paid for him, viz., $825"; 5 or, because "she has served 
out her time faithfully." 6 

Negroes were not only retained in servitude after 1824, 
but they were sold and transferred from master to master 
just as before the adoption of the new Constitution. 
There are bills of sale still preserved, dated as late as 
1837, 7 and one in 1848. The newspapers contained 

1 Session Laws, 1829, "An Act on Negroes," etc. 
"Session Laws, 182b, "An Act Concerning Apprentices." 

3 United States Census tor 1830. 

4 See the records of St. Clair, Madison, Randolph, and Gallatin counties. 

6 St. Clair County " Register of Negroes and Mulattoes," case of William 
Ross, freed by Elizabeth Padfield on October 2g, 1841. 

6 Records of Gallatin County, case of Sarah Hargrave, freed by Henry Eddy 
on February 12, 1848. 

• Records of Madison County, bills of sale of ] j gS&JSSS'SSji. 

Records of Greene County, bills of sale of three negroes, December 7, 1835, 
and seven on September 18, 1848. 

Deed Records of Jackson County (p. 466), sale of Wilkenson Dumbaley by 
John Logan, July 3, 1837, etc. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 53 

advertisements of negroes for sale, or wanted, till 1826. 
Colored persons found in the State without freedom 
papers and unclaimed by masters were arrested and sold 
at auction by the county sheriffs. Notices of these 
sheriff-sales appeared as late as 1853. ' In most cases of 
this kind, the negroes were bound out only for one month 
or a year. 

It is quite impossible to determine when the last of 
these indentured servants secured his (or her) freedom, 
owing to the great difficulty of procuring accurate knowl- 
edge regarding all the cases. It is safe to assume, how- 
ever, that many were not set at liberty till after the 
Supreme Court decision of 1845. 2 

For the most part, they seem to have been well treated; 
yet, during the years from 1820 to 1826 a large number 
of cases of runaway negroes were reported. They were 
pursued, and rewards were offered for their capture. 
Judging from the length of time these fugitives were 
advertised, it appears more than likely that few if any 
were retaken. There are no cases mentioned after 1826, 
and one may safely conclude that, either the lot of the 
negro was pleasanter after that date, or that he was more 
contented. 

At that time, however, there were two good reasons 
why the slaves should remain satisfied with their lot. 
These were, the almost unbearable position of the free 

1 "Alton Telegraph," January 26, 1853; "Chicago Journal," July 1, 1853; etc. 

2 There are several cases dated later than 1845, reported in the county 
records that 1 have examined, especially the case of Cynthia Prater, freed by 
S. D. Marshall on August 31, 1853; Gallatin County Records, 1853; see also: 

Madison County "Slave papers," case of Amos, held by Henry Bienvenul 
(of Kaskaskia). 

St. Clair County Records (June 22, 1848), will of Michael LaCroix shows 
slaves held. 

St. Clair County Records (March 25, 1844), will of D. Coons, gives girl 
Charlotte to wife to be free on wife's death. 

Madison County, the West family held slaves till 1845; personal testimony 
of E. W. West, of Belleville. 



54 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

colored people in the State, and the barbarous practice 
of kidnapping all unattached negroes. The former was 
caused by the strong public sentiment against the intro- 
duction of free negroes into the State, and the stringent 
statutes which deprived them of all civil and political 
rights, and tolerated their presence on the soil of Illinois 
merely as an unavoidable evil. The latter was begun as 
early as 1816, 1 but by 1 822-1 823 it had assumed such 
proportions that it was condemned by the press, and the 
Legislature was appealed to frequently to put a stop to it." 

At length, in 1 82 5, an "Act to More Effectually Pre- 
vent Kidnapping" was passed, in which this nefarious 
practice was forbidden under penalty of the pillory, 
together with twenty-five to one hundred stripes, or of a 
thousand dollars' fine. This does not seem to have 
proved effectual, however. There is no evidence that 
any attempt even was made to enforce the law rigidly; 
while, on the other hand, kidnapping increased rapidly 
until it assumed the proportions of an established enter- 
prise. 3 

Two or three men were usually associated together for 
this business. One would establish himself at St. Louis, 
or at one of the other border towns, and work up a repu- 
tation as a seller of slaves. The others would move about 
the Illinois counties on the lookout for negroes — slave or 
free. The freebooters never stopped to inquire whether 
a colored person was free or not. The question simply 
was, could he be carried off in safety? The chances of 
pursuit were less if the negro had no owner or interested 

1 "Edwardsville Spectator," August 4, 1819; "Western Spy" (Cincinnati), 
July 25, June 8 and 28, 1817. 

- 'Missouri Republican" (St. Louis), April 10,1822; "Edwardsville Specta- 
tor," September 21, 1822, June 7, 1823, etc. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, 1825 (Act dated January 18); later enactments were 
made January 6, 1827; 1831; February 26, 1833; February 15, 1855; under "Crimi- 
nal Code." 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 55 

friends. The slave-hunters seized their victims secretly, 
or enticed them to accompany them under false promises, 
placed them in wagons, and drove as rapidly as possible 
to the borders of the State. They usually succeeded in 
getting several hours' start of the county sheriff, or other 
persons likely to pursue them, and escaped in safety. 
Occasionally, however, they were overtaken and com- 
pelled to release their prey. 1 

Another method of procedure, which grew more popu- 
lar as the danger of pursuit and recapture increased, was 
to carry the negroes to some spot on the Mississippi or 
Ohio River. Once there, they were smuggled on board 
ships and forwarded to Memphis or New Orleans, where 
they were sold into slavery. Young able-bodied negroes 
brought good prices. One could hardly fail to make less 
than one hundred dollars on a slave. Often it was very 
much more, and consequently kidnapping proved a profit- 
able business. 2 

To evade the letter of the law, a scheme was devised 
by which the negroes were taken from county to county 
by different men and finally delivered to agents from the 
South within the limits of Illinois. Thus residents of Illi- 
nois were in no way guilty of abducting negroes out of the 
State. 

The kidnappers were, moreover, materially aided by 
the laws regarding colored people. No free negro or 

1 Testimony of Nathaniel Miles, of Belleville, and other old residents of cen- 
tral and southern Illinois. See also Mr. Eastman's papers at the Chicago His- 
torical Society, and Mr. George M. McConnell's article on "Illinois and its 
People," in the Proceedings of the Illinois Historical Society No. 7. 

- The "Illinois Spectator," 1825-1826. The most noted of the negro-stealers 
who operated with St. Louis and Ulinoistown (now East St. Louis) as a base 
were James Duncan, Joseph McAdams, and Mose Twist. A prominent resi- 
dent of Shawneetown — Mr. John C — had a cave near by on the Wabash River, 
where he used to secrete negroes until he could send them south on the Ohio 
River boats. 

Interesting accounts of attempted kidnapping are given in Mr. Eastman's 
papers (also copied in Vol. 1 of Andreas's "History of Chicago") and in Mr. 
McConnell's article, referred to above. 



56 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

mulatto could settle or reside in the State without a cer- 
tificate of freedom. 1 This certificate must be shown to 
the Commissioner's Court of the county in which resi- 
dence was desired. In addition, a bond of a thousand 
dollars had to be furnished as security that the negro 
would obey the laws and not become a county charge. 
Further, it was illegal for any person to hire a negro who 
possessed no certificate of freedom. The unfortunate 
individuals who had no certificates were to be advertised 
by a justice of peace, or by a county sheriff, and bound 
out to service again by the year or month. 2 Under such 
conditions, any negro who entered the State as a free man 
without a duly certified testimonial of freedom, or who 
became free within the State by completing his required 
term of apprenticeship without receiving papers from his 
master acknowledging this fact, was a legitimate prey of 
the kidnappers. 

In course of time, numbers of runaway slaves appeared 
in Illinois, who were of course included in this class of 
uncertified free negroes. Consequently — and particularly 
since they were known to the fugitives from Southern 
plantations — they became especial objects of pursuit for 
the kidnappers. The pretense of a master pursuing his 
escaping property under sanction of the fugitive slave 
laws was an excellent subterfuge. This was made use 
of by the kidnappers not only to seize negroes known to 
be runaway slaves but to get possession of many free and 
unsuspecting colored persons. 

The majority of Illinoisans were opposed to the prac- 

1 Statutes of Illinois, i8iq, March 30, "Act concerning free negroes," etc. 
Sec. 1; also in Revised Statutes of 1845 and approved. 

1 Statutes of Illinois, 1819, Sec. 7, "Act concerning free negroes," etc. 

Statutes of Illinois, 1829, Sec. 2, "Act concerning free negroes," etc. 

Statutes of Illinois, 1853 (.February 12), Sec. 4, "Act to prevent immigra- 
tion of free negroes." 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 57 

tice of kidnapping, and in many localities, like Eden, it 
was almost impossible for the kidnappers to get away 
with a free negro, except with the utmost secrecy and 
under cover of darkness, on account of the open hostility 
of the inhabitants to the negro-hunters. 

When the business of kidnapping had in a way been 
legalized by falling heir to the work of recapturing fugi- 
tive slaves, an important change occurred in public opinion 
concerning the practice of negro-hunting. The fact that 
the slave-hunters were the agents — or the pretended 
agents — of Southern slaveholders, who, in accordance 
with the laws of Congress, were engaged in an effort to 
secure their lost property, introduced a division of senti- 
ment in the matter. Great numbers of the people, espe- 
cially in the southern part of the State, sympathized with 
the slave-owners. They thought that the masters were 
only asserting their just rights, and should not be hindered 
in the effort to regain their runaway slaves. Many even 
thought it not wrong to assist the masters, or their sup- 
posed agents, in capturing the fleeing negroes. 

On the other hand, the vast majority of the people in 
the north and centre of the State, and in some districts 
scattered here and there in the southern part, sympathized 
with the negro, especially when it was known that his 
pursuer was not his lawful master. This class was for the 
most part composed of people of strong antislavery prin- 
ciples and sympathies. They were only too glad to see a 
poor slave escape safely from bondage, and were quite 
willing to assist him when necessary in eluding his pur- 
suers. This state of things in the districts near the Slave 
States gave rise to the most intense feeling and the bitter- 
est opposition between the two parties. It amounted in 
many cases almost to open hostilities. The proslavery 



5$ NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

sympathizers aided and abetted the negro-hunters, while 
the antislavery men protected and defended the negroes. 
Out of this struggle grew the so-called "Underground 
Railway," which was instituted by the antislavery sympa- 
thizers in order to aid the negroes to escape to the North 
in safety. 

It is difficult to comprehend, at this date, the bitter 
animosity felt by the inhabitants of southern Illinois 
toward the conductors of this railway. So great was 
the hostility in many sections, that the lives of well-known 
antislavery men were often threatened, and absolute 
secrecy as to the location of the Underground Railway 
"stations" was necessitated not only to facilitate the 
escape of the negroes, but also for the better security of 
the lives and property of the Underground Railway pro- 
moters. 

The spirit displayed by these men was admirable and 
worthy of a noble cause. Many were well-to-do farmers, 
brave, rough-handed men, simple in their lives and creeds. 
Some were honest tradesfolk and prominent citizens in the 
towns. Everywhere they displayed an indomitable cour- 
age backed by a will not to be balked or thwarted. Noth- 
ing illustrates their spirit as well as the authenticated 
story of Burlingame. 1 

Mr. Burlingame was a prominent antislavery leader 
and farmer living at Sparta. One day it was noised 
about that Mose Twist (the well-known kidnapper) was 
at Sparta looking for an escaped slave. Burlingame went 
immediately to Sparta, and sought out Twist. "You're 
lookin' for a runaway nigger?" he asked. "Yes," 
replied the slave-hunter. "Well," retorted Burlingame, 

1 Authority of Nathaniel Niles (of Belleville), and James Hood (of Sparta), 
both of whom knew Burlingame well. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 59 

"that nigger is at my house. You come there at your 
peril. Good day, sir!" It is needless to add Twist did 
not go. 

The position of the men who were engaged in the 
Underground Railway was rendered dangerous by reason 
of the laws which attached a penalty of five hundred 
dollars to the crime of harboring or secreting a slave. 1 
The conductors of the Underground Railway did not 
hesitate, however, to afford the negroes under their 
roofs personal protection, even to the use of firearms. 2 
But generally the presence of the slaves was kept very 
secret. Many interesting incidents are related by men 
who still remember those stirring times, concerning the 
escape of negroes via the Underground Railway, and very 
few who once got safe on board an "Underground" train 
were ever retaken. 3 

The practice of assisting fugitive slaves was begun as 
early as 1818, but the Underground Railway movement 
was not well established until about 1835. 4 It was not a 
systematic organization with regular stations and officers, 

1 Session Laws, 1826, Act on apprentices. Section g-12. 
Session Laws, 1827. See also revised Statutes, 1845. 
Session Laws, 1833, Criminal Code, Section 147-49. 

2 See "Belleville Advocate," September 5, 1851, for account of the armed 
resistance made by citizens of Sparta, Illinois, to Sherwood, of Missouri, and 
his friends, who were pursuing his runaway slave. 

3 Personal testimony of Mr. James Hood, of Sparta, and others. Among 
those which we have heard related were the incident of John Hood, uncle of 
James. He and his wife aided a negro and wife to escape from a party of 
kidnappers who had them in charge on the homeward journey, and who had 
stopped for the night at Mr. Hood's house, by removing the negroes from the 
cellar, where their captors had placed them under lock and key, to the centre 
of a large haystack on the farm, where they were fed and concealed a whole 
week. 

Also the case of a negro named John Walker. Walker had come from 
Tennessee without freedom papers, and was hired by Archibald Hood, father of 
James. Two kidnappers appeared, and one claimed to be the master of the 
negro, who said he had never seen him and did not know him. When the 
kidnapper attempted to take him by force, the farmer and his sons held the 
slaver's assistant and gave the negro a chance to fight it out with his supposed 
master. The negro, Walker, came off best in the affray and escaped, leaving 
the kidnapper badly wounded to be carried off to the Sparta tavern by his 
friend and Mr. Hood. 

4 See Siebert, "Underground Railway," p. 40, and following. 



60 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

but rather a number of isolated communities where the 
escaping negro was sure of rest and protection. Usually 
when a slave reached one of these so-called "stations," 
he was fed, housed for a short time, and assisted in one 
way or another to reach the next "depot," if the location 
of one such was known. Often, however, the negro had 
to make his way North alone, as best he could, from the 
general directions that his last host was able to furnish 
him. 

There were a number of so-called "lines" which 
crossed the State, especially its northern portion. These 
were nothing more than a series of places, more or less 
connected, where the negro could be reasonably secure of 
protection and assistance. 

The starting-points of three of these routes were Ches- 
ter, Alton, and Quincy. The first mentioned passed near 
Eden, Coulterville, and Oakdale to a point near Nashville. 
Then the negroes were directed due northward to the 
Illinois River, passing en route probably near Vandalia, 
Decatur, and Bloomington. From Alton the negroes 
were aided northeastward by Jacksonville till the Illinois 
River was reached, and then along its banks to the vicin- 
ity of La Salle and Ottawa. From Quincy the fugitives 
were assisted to La Salle via places in the vicinity of 
Mendon, Plymouth, Galesburg, Osceola, and Princeton. 
One of the routes, worked between Ottawa and Chicago 
for some time, lay through Northville, Plainfield, Cass, 
and Lyons. 1 

1 None of the present railway systems which cross Illinois were in opera- 
tion before 1850, so that they could not have been used by the negroes before 
that date. Nor have 1 been able to rind any evidence that the railways were 
used between 1850 and i860. Professor Siebert, in his "Underground Rail- 
way" (pp. 14-15), assures us that they were used; but it seems he must be in 
error. For neither in the records nor in private conversation (or correspon- 
dence) with those once connected with the Underground Railway have 1 found 
any confirmation of his theory. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 61 

The objective point in common of all these "Under- 
ground" lines was Canada. A few of the fugitives found 
homes and work in the northern part of Illinois, but the 
great majority were smuggled on board ships at Chicago 
and forwarded to English soil. The officers of the ves- 
sels were wont, like Captain Blake of the "Illinois," to 
discover the presence of the blacks when nearing some 
Canadian port on the Great Lakes, and then to hurry 
them almost violently ashore with a great show of anger 
or displeasure. 

It is hardly possible to estimate at the present writing 
the number of colored persons who were assisted to free- 
dom in this way, but in the course of twenty-five years — 
1835 to i860 — it must have been very considerable. 
"Scores at a time," we are told, "were aided by the 
Hoods, Moores, McClurkins, and Milligans of the Eden- 
Nashville route.'" Mr. Van Dorn, of Quincy, in the 
course of twenty-five years, gave help to some two or 
three hundred fugitives. 2 Philo Carpenter, of Chicago, 
is said to have assisted two hundred negroes to embark in 
that city, 3 and many of Mr. Carpenter's friends, such as 
Mr. Z. Eastman and Dr. Dyer, frequently aided slaves to 
escape — sometimes secreting them in their own residences. 4 

Before the Underground Railway had been fully inaugu- 
rated, the interest in the question of slavery, as a purely 
State problem, had gradually died out, and the subject 
had become, politically speaking, a back number. There 
were, however, large numbers of men who had been 

1 Siebert, p. 15. 

2 Siebert, p. 88. 

3 E. G. Mason, "Early Chicago and Illinois," p. no. 

* Personal testimony of Mr. Sidney Eastman and article by Z. Eastman on 
Dr. Dyer, at time of the latter's death, in the "Chicago Times," for April 25, 
1878. Dr. Dyer's home was a regular "depot" of the Underground Railway, and 
he is credited with having assisted the tirst fugitive slave to escape, who 
reached Chicago. 



62 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

trained to believe that slavery was a leading element in 
the State's prosperity. And whenever the people of Illi- 
nois were loaded down with debts and depression in busi- 
ness, such men were ever ready to put forth the claim 
that all would be well if the State government would only 
call a convention and readjust the Constitution so that 
slaves could be purchased and held there. Such declar- 
ations continued to be made as late as 1840, 1 and one 
stirring appeal for the introduction of slavery on economic 
grounds was published even in 1854. 2 

The holding of indentured servants, the kidnapping of 
free negroes, and the continual excitement over escaping 
slaves served to keep the general subject in a measure still 
before the people. There was, however, no approach to 
a general agitation over the question of slavery for some 
years — till the labors of the abolitionists began to excite 
universal comment and criticism. It was chiefly through 
their writing and efforts to arouse the people everywhere 
into a realization of the evils of slavery and to awaken 
within all hearts a desire to see the slaves freed, that the 
negro question again became a predominant issue in the 
politics of Illinois. The antislavery movement in Illinois 
did not begin to assume important proportions until some 
time after the death of Lovejoy. Still in the West, as in 
the East, the eloquent and uncompromising utterances of 
William Lloyd Garrison, in his "Liberator," 3 demanding 
immediate and unconditional emancipation, impressed all 
thinking men, and his principles found some acceptance. 

1 Z. Eastman, "Anti-Slavery Agitation in Illinois." Article in Blanchard's 
"Illinois." 

2 "Belleville Advocate" for November 8, 1854, in which is reprinted a "Let- 
ter to the Charleston (Illinois) Courier," written by Dumas J. VanDeren, and 
dated September 16, 1854, which advocates the right of any State to change 
its Constitution on the question of slavery, and urges Illinois to do so for the 
benefit of all agricultural pursuits. 

3 Established in 1831. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 63 

The opposition to the doctrines of the abolitionists, on 
the other hand, was at this time as intense and bitter in 
Illinois as in other sections of the North. The majority 
of the people, even among those who were opposed to 
slavery on principle, looked upon the movement for imme- 
diate emancipation as premature and ill-judged. The 
press of the State opposed the doctrine. The "Chicago 
American" was especially outspoken in its opposition to 
the abolitionists. It regarded slavery as an evil, but 
looked "with abhorrence upon all measures which may 
intend to instigate the blacks to insubordination and 
insurrection," and deplored "the interference of the abo- 
litionists, who only forged new fetters and placed in immi- 
nent peril the lives and property of the white population." 1 

Even such men as Z. Eastman, who later became the 
editor of the "Western Citizen" 2 — the official organ of 
the Liberty Party— and the Reverend J. M. Peck, a 
strong anticonvention man in 1824, were opposed to the 
abolitionists in the thirties. Mr. Eastman claimed that 
the movement for immediate freedom was ill-judged and 
that the introduction of negroes into white society was 
"an ill-timed and unhappy movement." In all their 
efforts the abolitionists seemed to him to be advancing 
far too rapidly with their theories to retain the support of 
public opinion. 3 

The abolition doctrines met with general disapproval 
everywhere throughout the Union. The sentiments ex- 
pressed in Congress, in 183 7/ were shared alike by the 

1 "Chicago American," September 5, 1835. 

s Established in 1840 as the "Genius of Liberty," by Warren and Eastman, 
in La Salle County and in Chicago in 1842, as the "Western Citizen." 

3 "Vermont Free Press" (edited by Eastman), August, ig, 1834. 

4 "Your Committee cannot conceive how any true friend of the black man 
can hope to benerit him through the instrumentality of abolition societies. 
.... They have forged new fetters for the black man and added a hundred 
fold to the rigors of slavery. They have scattered the firebrands of discord 



64 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

masses both in the North and South. The abolitionists 
declared again and again, that their aim in agitating the 
subject of immediate emancipation was only to convince 
the Southern slaveholders of their duty to humanity, that 
they desired the emancipating to be done by the masters 
themselves, and that they were opposed to "the oppressed 
vindicating their rights by physical force in opposition to 
the laws of the land"; but their statements were not 
believed. 

On the contrary, their purposes were wilfully mis- 
represented, their theories distorted, and their methods 
ridiculed. "There are thousands and tens of thousands, ' ' 
wrote Dr. Channing to Mr. Birney, in 1836, "who do 
honestly believe that in all their movements the abolition- 
ists are actuated by a fierce and reckless spirit of fanati- 
cism, careless of all consequences, and determined to 
carry their point and effect the emancipation of the 
slaves, even though it should involve the whole land in 
carnage and flame. We verily thought so once, induced, 
as are others, by the abominable misrepresentations and 
slanders of those who knew better." 1 

The press, the pulpit, orators in Congress and on the 
stump tried to throw the movement into discredit and to 
force its leaders to give up the fight. All in vain. The 
more they were attacked, so much the more did the abo- 
litionists labor to spread their doctrines and to refute the 
arguments of their opponents. 

Finding that the emancipationists were not to be 
silenced by arguments or by the general disapproval of 

and disunion among the different States of the Confederacy. They have ex- 
cited the most rancorous and embittered feelings in the same community. 
They have aroused the turbulent passion of the monster mob." "Philanthro- 

Eist" for April 14, 1837: Report of the "Select Committee" appointed jointly 
y the two Houses to consider the memorial on abolition societies, presented 
by the States of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, New York, and Connecticut 
x Quoted in full in the "Observer," January 5, 1837. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 65 

their principles and methods manifested by the public, 
the people in many places showed a disposition to crush 
the abolition movement by an individual persecution of its 
promoters. Mobs first appeared in 1834 with the July 
riots in New York City, where the abolition meetings at 
Chatham Street Chapel were broken up by the rabble, 
which threatened Dr. Cox and Lewis Tappan, leading 
abolitionists, with ink baths. 1 Then followed other per- 
secutions, in Philadelphia, in Montpelier, in Utica, Lock- 
port, and other New York cities, in New Hampshire, in 
Ohio, and at St. Louis. 2 

In Cincinnati, the press of the "Philanthropist" was 
destroyed by a mob on July 12, 1836, and again early in 
August of the same year. 3 Notices were posted at the 
street corners stating that the citizens of Cincinnati were 
resolved to arrest the course of the abolitionists, which 
was injuring business, and that the breaking of their press 
was a warning to them. 4 

The Southern press by its violent criticisms, and the 
Southern people by their threats and by the persecution 
of all abolitionists in their midst, only added fuel to the 
flame. The "Milledgeville (Georgia) Federal Union" 
printed on February 1, 1836, a notice signed "Many 
Citizens," offering ten thousand dollars reward for the 
delivery to the Sheriff of Chatham County of the "person 
of the noted abolitionist, A. A. Phelps." 5 The Citizens 
of Hillborough, Georgia, in June, 1836, seized the Rev. 
A. W. Kitchell (a native of New Jersey, and graduate of 

1 "Vermont Free Press," July 13, 1834. 

2 "The Liberator," and "Emancipator," and "Philanthropist," 1834-39. and 
other papers of the time. 

3 "Philanthropist," July 15, 1836, and September 23. 

4 "Philanthropist," July 15, 1836. The "Philanthropist" was forced to dis- 
continue its paper, after destruction of press early in August, until September 
9, 1836. 

5 "St. Louis Observer," April 28, 1836. 



66 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Princeton), tarred and feathered him, and rode him out 
of town on a rail, merely on suspicion that he was an 
abolitionist. 1 This sort of persecution and denial to citi- 
zens of their rights of free speech and fair trial was a 
grave error. Instead of intimidating the abolitionists, it 
only made them the more bold and incited them to more 
earnest efforts. In addition, the very flagrant injustice 
of such proceedings served to win over many to the cause 
of abolitionism who heretofore had been mere opponents 
of slavery on principle. The "Cincinnati Journal," com- 
menting on the case of the Rev. A. W. Kitchell, said, 

"He had suspicious papers Did they allow him a 

moment's time to gain witnesses or evidence? No 

We tell the inhabitants of Hillborough plainly that the 
hairs on that man's head, if counted, would not equal the 
number of abolitionists which this intolerable breach of 
private rights in a slaveholding community will make." 2 

The effect was the same on those who suffered perse- 
cution because of their antislavery sympathies. They, 
too, could scarcely fail of being forced into the abolition 
camp by the very stress of circumstances and by the revul- 
sion of feeling against their persecutors and all proslavery 
men. Thus, as Lovejoy said in Kitchell's case, "What- 
ever Mr. Kitchell may have been before, we have little 
doubt that he is an abolitionist now, and that he will con- 
tinue such as long as he lives." 3 

Illinois was not behind in the "persecution of the 
prophets." There the word "abolition" was one "cov- 
ered over with shame"; and it was the exulting boast of 
her people, in 1837, that no abolition paper would be per- 

1 "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836. Also "Newark Advertiser," "Cin- 
cinnati Commercial Advertiser," and "Cincinnati Journal," of same date. 

2 "Journal," July 1-5, 1836; "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836. 

3 "St. Louis Observer," July 14, 1836. Mr. Lovejoy's own experience and 
life are another example of this truth. 



UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1818 67 

mitted to flourish on her soil. 1 Only one abolition society, 
of sixty-five members, existed in the State. Even this 
met only at long intervals and cannot be said to have pros- 
pered well, since hardly more than fifteen new members 
were added in three years. 2 Large masses of the people, 
especially in the southern portion of the State, were 
opposed to any public discussion of the subject of slavery. 
The majority preferred that the whole question be left 
quietly alone, and thus all bitter and rancorous feelings 
would be avoided and personal encounters prevented. 
Into such a community as this came Mr. Lovejoy, with a 
religious newspaper, whose columns were open to a free 
discussion of slavery and its evils. Was it then not to be 
expected that the State, which thirteen years before had 
risen in the defense of liberty within its own boundaries, 
would now ere long earn the title of the "Martyr State"? 

1 Eastman, "The Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," in Blanchard's 
" Illinois." 

- "Philanthropist," July 28, 1837, Report of the Secretary of the Adams 
County Antislavery Society. Also "Alton Observer," July 10, 1837. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE. 

LOVEJOY IN ST. LOUIS. 

Elijah Parish Lovejoy was born in Albion, Maine, on 
November 9, 1802. He was the son of a Presbyterian 
minister, and received his early education at the academies 
of China and Monmouth. In 1826 he graduated from 
Waterville College with the highest honors, and began 
teaching in an Eastern academy. 

The young Lovejoy possessed a remarkable memory, 
and as a student had distinguished himself by thor- 
oughness and proficiency in the languages. Courageous 
and manly, he won the admiration of his fellows by his 
skill as an athlete and a kindly sympathy manifested 
toward all. 

In 1827 he made his way to St. Louis, and for the 
next two years supported himself by teaching and occa- 
sional contributions to the "Missouri Republican" and 
the "St. Louis Times." The latter paper employed Mr. 
Lovejoy as assistant editor in August, 1830, and he re- 
tained the position until February, 1832. 1 

St. Louis was the scene of a series of revival services 
in January, 1832. Mr. Lovejoy was deeply impressed, 
and decided to enter the ministry. He graduated from 

1 "St. Louis Times" for August 14, 1830, when his name appears for the first 
time, till February 18, 1832. It was during this time that he wrote some stan- 
zas, entitled "Mother," in which the following almost prophetic lines appear: 
"My mother, 1 am far away 

From home and love and thee, 
And stranger hands may heap the clay 
That soon may cover me." 

68 




i From a Rare Silhouette Portrait) 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 69 

Princeton Seminary in the spring of 1833, and in the fall 
was summoned to St. Louis to edit a weekly religious 
paper, called the "St. Louis Observer." 

The first issue appeared on the 22d of November. 1 
Its editor from the first took a firm stand on all questions 
of religion, morality, and citizenship. His aim was to 
establish a thoroughly reliable newspaper, devoted not 
only to the religious interests of his denomination, but 
also to the principles of truth, righteousness, honesty, and 
sobriety. His opinions were always given without hesi- 
tancy or dissimulation, and when once his judgment was 
fully formed upon an issue, he never faltered in the 
defense of what seemed right. He denounced the evils 
of his time with a boldness and directness that often 
startled his contemporaries. Although frequently severe 
in criticism, he was never unnecessarily bitter or unjust, 
but preserved a spirit of mildness and forbearance quite 
unusual in an editor. 

From the beginning Mr. Lovejoy was opposed to 
slavery on principle; but he was slow in taking an active 
part in the discussion of the subject. He wished to feel 
certain that he saw clearly the right solution of the prob- 
lem. 2 Colonization schemes for removing the negroes 
seemed to him utterly visionary. "Immediate, uncon- 
ditional emancipation," was most abhorrent to Mr. Love- 
joy, because it "would be cruel to the slave himself and 
injurious to the community at large." 3 He did not sym- 
pathize with the method of agitation used by the abolition- 

1 An almost complete file is preserved in the State Historical Library at 
Springfield. 

• In June, 1834, he wrote in the "Observer": "The subject [slavery] is one 
which has always, since we have known anything of the South and South- 
west States, been regarded as exceedingly delicate and difficult of manage- 
ment. We feel it so .... not because we fear the truth and are unwilling 
to perform our duty, but because there is real difficulty in ascertaining what 
that duty is." 

3 "St. Louis Observer,'" April 16, 1835. 



7° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

ists, and he feared that they would not adhere strictly to 
their platform. » 

Yet the necessity of awakening the South to the evils 
of slavery impressed Mr. Lovejoy, and he began to advo- 
cate the freeing of the negroes by a gradual process where 
the emancipation should be brought about solely by the 
voluntary act of the master, "made from a conviction of 
its propriety." He urged as a first step a reform in the 
religious status of the slave. 1 

When the report reached St. Louis, in August, 1 83 5, 
that the abolitionists were using the mails to send incendi- 
ary pamphlets to the negroes, and that petitions were 
pouring in from the South asking the Federal Govern- 
ment to prohibit such a practice, the city was thrown into 
a furor of excitement. The newspapers denounced the 
abolitionists in the strongest terms. 2 Mass meetings were 
held and a "Committee of Vigilance" appointed, whose 
duty should be to preserve absolute silence upon the sub- 
ject of slavery. If the civil authorities failed to give the 
committee sufficient support, it was authorized to enforce 
its own decrees — this meant with the whip and the rope. 3 

Every person suspected of being an abolitionist was in 
danger of being mobbed. Threats were abroad against 
the "Observer." Mr. Lovejoy, because of his antislavery 
and anticatholic editorials, was a special object of attack. 4 
Fortunately he was out of the city at the time. 5 His 
friends warned him not to return; that his life was in 

1 "St. Louis Observer," April 30, 1835. 

* See the "St. Louis Republican" lor October 20; compare with their de- 
nunciation of the abolitionists on April 2S, 1835. 

3 "St. Louis Republican," October 27, 29, 31, and November 2, 1835. 

* He was accused of being an abolitionist and of circulating abolition 
pamphlets, although he had never even subscribed for an abolition paper or 
exchanged with one. "Observer," November 5, 1835. 

B Had gone to camp-meeting at Potosi, and later attended the Presbyterian 
Synod at Marion, Missouri. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 71 

danger; and the publishers of the "Observer" hastened 
to assure the public that they were not issuing an aboli- 
tion sheet, and that, while they were not responsible for 
Mr. Lovejoy's editorials, he would doubtless refrain, on 
his return, from the further publication of articles on 
slavery. 1 

There were violent riots in most of the leading cities 
of the North and South at this time, as well as in St. 
Louis. 2 A spirit of lawlessness and of utter disregard for 
order and good government was abroad in the land. Life 
and property were constantly in danger. It was a critical 
and anxious time. No one knew what a day or a week 
would bring forth. People generally were apprehensive 
of the future; and many thought the government was in 
danger of dissolution. 3 Public welfare and personal 
security demanded immediate action, and fearless men 
were needed to champion the cause of good government 
and freedom of speech. 4 

Mr. Lovejoy met the issue calmly, thoughtfully, fear- 
lessly. He was the only Protestant minister and religious 
editor in the city. Not a voice had been raised against 
the reign of mob law. Not a paper had condemned the 
excesses of the populace. Was the "Observer" to 
remain silent too? Would it be right for one who had 
stood thus far as a champion of truth and righteousness 
in the West to falter — to remain a quiet spectator of the 
most outrageous violations of law and order? Was it 

1 Twice they found this necessary: on October 8 and again on the 22d. 

'See previous chapter; for further particulars, see the daily papers of this 
period, also files of the "Liberator," "Emancipator," and the "Philanthropist" 
for 1835. 

3 See the collection of editorials on this subject in the "Observer," Novem- 
ber ig, 1835. 

4 Two white men suspected of having assisted some negroes to escape 
were seized by a crowd of sixtv citizens of St. Louis during these days of 
excitement and given two hundred lashes with rawhides. "Missouri Republi- 
can," October 18-21, 1835. 



72 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

honorable to witness the introduction of the "New Code" ' 
of lynch law without uttering one word in defense of the 
inalienable rights of free citizens? 

Such was the problem presented to Lovejoy. He 
considered it seriously — prayerfully. Not in the least 
excited or carried away with the fanatical enthusiasm of 
one desiring the glory of martyrdom, he viewed the situ- 
ation with all the calmness of superior strength, and 
reached his conclusion after the most careful and thought- 
ful deliberation. Mr. Lovejoy's mind was soon made up, 
his duty apparent. Mob rule must be denounced and the 
freedom of the press defended. 

The decision once reached, nothing could deter him 
from carrying it out. 2 He returned to St. Louis about 
November 1st, expecting, as he says himself, "to be 
lynched, or tarred and feathered, or may be hung up. 
All is threatened." 3 

On November 5th he published in the "Observer" an 
eloquent appeal, entitled "To my Fellow-Citizens." 
This is one of the best articles ever penned in defense of 
freedom of speech and of the press. Few political docu- 
ments equal it in eloquence, in logic, in beauty of expres- 
sion, and in earnestness of appeal. A spirit of dignity 
and charity pervades it throughout. There are no violent 
diatribes against leaders or people, no wild harangues, no 
vituperative personal criticisms. The truth is told fear- 
lessly, the arguments presented with ardor and dignity. 

1 Such papers as the "Pittsburg Times," "Salem Landmark," "New Eng- 
land Galaxy," "Maryville [Tennessee] Intelligencer," "Cincinnati Gazette," 
and "New York Courier and Inquirer," were denouncing this tendency to 
mob law. Charles Hammond, of the "Cincinnati Gazette," took as firm a 
stand for the freedom of the press as did Mr. Lovejoy 

2 He was detained in St. Charles a few days by illness, but neither the per- 
suasion of his friends nor the prayers of his wife could keep him from returning 
to St. Louis. His wife — formerly Miss Celia Ann French, of St. Charles— 
finally urged him to go, since he considered it his duty. See letter to his 
brother in January, 1836, and editorial in "Observer" on November 5, 1835. 

3 Letter to brother, dated November 2, 1835. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 73 

The justness and good sense of the people are appealed 
to, with the utmost confidence as to the result. Few 
political orators or writers have taken a higher or nobler 
stand for truth and freedom; and few have displayed such 
a spirit of charity toward their opponents. The justness 
of his arguments and the moderation of his language dis- 
armed his enemies. 

Little space was given to the subject of slavery. Mr. 
Lovejoy emphasized the fact, however, that he was not 
an abolitionist, declaring fearlessly at the same time that 
he was — and would ever be — "an emancipationist." 

Referring to the dangers of mob dictation, he wrote: 
"To-day a public meeting declares that you shall not dis- 
cuss the subject of slavery To-morrow another 

meeting decides that it is against the peace of society that 

the principle of popery be discussed The next 

day a decree is issued speaking against distilleries, dram 
shops, or drunkenness. And so on to the end of the 
chapter. The truth is, my fellow-citizens, if you give 
ground a single inch, there is no stopping-place. I deem 
it, therefore, my duty to take my stand upon the Consti- 
tution. Here is firm ground; I feel it to be such. And 
I do most respectfully, yet decidedly, declare to you my 
fixed determination to maintain this ground." 

In conclusion, Mr. Lovejoy requested the people to 
respect the property of the office and the persons of the 
proprietors and printers. For, as he said, the latter 
had nothing to say as to the matter printed. "I alone 

am answerable and responsible If the popular 

vengeance needs a victim, I offer myself a willing sacri- 
fice." 1 

This appeal was unexpected by both the friends and 

'The "Observer," Novembers, 1835. "To my Fellow-Citizens." 



74 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

foes of the "Observer," and its effect was remarkable. 
The proprietors of the paper thought the step too bold, in 
view of the excitement of the time. They requested Mr. 
Lovejoy to resign. His enemies were nonplussed, and 
rendered inactive for the moment by the fearlessness and 
lofty spirit of the editor. For a day or two all was quiet 
in the city. The suspense to Lovejoy and his friends was 
terrible; and the result was awaited with almost breath- 
less anxiety. 

Slowly the tide began to turn in his favor. Friends 
and opponents alike began to rally about him. Men who 
had no sympathy for his religious or political views gave 
him their support for the sake of freedom of speech. As 
a defender of the rights of free citizenship he must be 
sustained, they said. 1 The papers all over the country 
praised his firmness and his defense of the freedom of the 
press. 2 Letters came in rapidly from Illinois and Mis- 
souri, thanking him for the stand he had taken, and urging 
him to continue the fight. 3 "The pressure," he says, 
writing later to his brother, "which seemed as though it 
would crush me to the earth, began to lighten. Light 
began to break in on the gloomiest day I have ever seen. 
I cannot think or write about it without my eyes filling 
with tears, for the deliverance which God wrought by so 
weak and unworthy an instrument as I am." 4 

By November 10, the crisis had passed. 5 The "Ob- 
server" was safe, and freedom of the press had triumphed. 

1 Letter to his brother, written in January, 1836. 

'The "Cincinnati Journal" and "Cincinnati Gazette" for November 10; 
also dailies of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia of about the same date. 

3 The "Observer," December 17 and 31, 1835. 

4 Letter to his brother in January, 1836, printed in "Memoir," by his 
brothers. 

6 On this date he wrote his brother: "1 do not think I shall be mobbed. 

.... A reaction has taken place in the city The crisis is now 

passed Tell mother there is no danger — not the least." 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 75 

By the 23d all danger of mob violence was at an end, and 
peace and order were restored within the city. 1 

Although Mr. Lovejoy resigned in accordance with the 
request of the proprietors, he was almost immediately 
reinstated as editor, through the agency of Mr. Moore, 
who was compelled by reason of the temporary financial 
embarrassment of the paper to assume control of the 
"Observer." Accordingly the paper was reissued on 
November 19, only one regular number having been omit- 
ted. Its editor appealed to the subscribers and to the 
public for support; and he was well sustained. Letters 
of sympathy and encouragement poured in from all sides; 
and many new subscriptions were received. By the 26th 
of the following May the circulation of the paper had so 
increased that Mr. Lovejoy was able to issue the "Ob- 
server" in an enlarged form. 2 

During this period no serious effort was made to inter- 
fere with its publication. 3 But in April, 1836, an event 
occurred which rilled St. Louis with excitement. A 
negro, named Francis Mcintosh, who had killed a deputy 
sheriff in attempting to escape from justice, was burned 
to death by a mob of St. Louis citizens. This barbarous 
act was condemned by Mr. Lovejoy in an editorial in the 
issue of May 5. He made no reference to the color of 
the victim, but warned the people of the dangers of mob 
rule. "We must stand by the Constitution and laws, or 
all is gone," he urged. 4 

1 See letter to his mother of this date, printed in the "Memoir." 

* "St. Louis Observer," December 17, 24, 31, 1835, and May 26, 1836. 

3 In December an attempt was made — by flaring handbills and a public 
meeting at the Court House— to inaugurate a movement against Mr. Lovejoy, 
but it failed completely. It is interesting to note in this connection that the 
"Missouri Republican,' which six weeks before urged mass meetings against 
the abolitionists, now preaches against mobs and mass meetings. "Observer," 
December 10, and "Missouri Republican," December 8, 1835. 

* "Observer," May 5. 



76 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

For this act of good citizenship the office of the "Ob- 
server" was entered twice between May 30 and June 6, 
and the press so damaged that it was possible to get out 
only a diminutive number on June 9. 1 

At the trial, in June, of the leaders of the mob which 
burned Mcintosh, Judge Lawless promulgated the remark- 
able doctrine that a crime, punishable by death when com- 
mitted by an individual, could be committed by a multitude 
with impunity. 2 Mr. Lovejoy was absent from the city 
at the time, 3 but in July he entered a vigorous protest 
against such a theory, in an able editorial headed "The 
Charge of Judge Lawless." The peace and security of 
the nation, he argued, would be endangered if such a 
sentiment were universally accepted. 4 

During the night following the publication of this edi- 
torial, a number of men — possibly twenty — broke into the 
office of the "Observer," smashed the press and type, 
and threw the remnants out of the windows. This was 
the answer of the Catholics 5 and slaveholding "mobo- 
crats" to Mr. Lovejoy 's patriotic appeal. The news- 
papers of St. Louis now openly defended his conduct. 

It had been determined some time before to remove 
the paper to Alton, Illinois, and public notice of the fact 
had been given. 7 It was thought that the "Observer" 

1 "Observer," June q. 

* In his charge to the jury he said: "If, on the other hand, the destruction 
of the murderer of Hammond, was the act .... of congregated thousands, 
seized upon and impelled by that mysterious metaphysical and almost electric 
frenzy which, in all ages and nations, has hurried on infatuated multitudes to 
deeds of death and destruction — then 1 say .... the case transcends your 
jurisdiction — it is beyond the reach of human law." — "Observer," July 21, 1836. 

3 He was attending the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church at 
Pittsburg. 

4 "Observer," July 21. For other criticisms of this charge, see the "Cin- 
cinnati Gazette," June and July; "St. Louis Republican," June and July 23, etc. 

6 Judge Lawless was an Irish Catholic. Love ; oy refers to this in his 
editorial, and had published several editorials directed against the power of 
Catholicism. 

6 "Missouri Republican," July 23; "Alton Telegraph," July 27. 

7 "Observer," July 21, 183s. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 77 

would be much better supported and enjoy greater free- 
dom in the expression of its opinions in Alton than in St. 
Louis. No attention was therefore paid to the action of 
the mob, and the final arrangements for the removal of the 
paper were concluded. 

Fortunately the press had not been damaged beyond 
repair. So it, together with such type and office material 
as the mob had spared, was sent by boat to Alton. They 
were landed on a Sunday morning, contrary to instructions, 
and that night the press and supplies were completely 
demolished on the wharf by a crowd of men, supposedly 
from St. Louis, and the pieces thrown into the river. 1 

1 "The Observer," Extra, dated August 10, and "Alton Telegraph," July 27, 
1836. The people of Alton disclaimed any knowledge of, or participation in, 
this affair. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 

(CONTINUED). 
LOVEJOY IN ALTON. 

In 1836-1837 Alton 1 was a thriving little city of some 
2,500 inhabitants, situated on a cluster of hills overlook- 
ing the broad Mississippi. It lay on the east side of the 
river, and about twenty miles north of St. Louis, with 
which it competed for the trade of the Mississippi and the 
West. Its reputation was excellent, its future promising, 
and its citizens industrious, enterprising, and benevolent. 
There were men of Southern birth and sympathies among 
her inhabitants, but the people were not to any great 
degree proslavery in their sentiments. 2 

On July 25 — the day after the press of the "Observer" 
was thrown into the river — a well-attended public meeting 
was held. Resolutions were adopted, deploring the 
destruction of the press, promising funds for a new one, 
guaranteeing to all ample protection for life and property, 
but attacking rather fiercely the abolitionists and their 
doctrines. 3 

Mr. Lovejoy took occasion at this meeting — and in a 
letter to the "Alton Telegraph," dated July 27 — to define 
his position. He was not an abolitionist. Nor was he 
come to Alton to set up an abolition paper. However, 

1 For detailed description of Alton at this time, see "Illinois in 1837," pub- 
lished in that year by G.S.August; "The Rambles or Travels in the West," 
1837. 

'"Alton Spectator," "Alton Telegraph," "Alton Observer," and the 
"Western Pioneer" of Upper Alton, edited by J. M. Feck, 1836-37. 

3 "Alton Telegraph," July 26, 27, 1836. 

73 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 79 

he was opposed to slavery, and believed it to be the duty 
of every man "on all proper occasions to raise his voice 
against it, and by all proper and lawful means to endeavor 
to effect its peaceable removal." Further, he should 
always consider himself free to "speak, write, or publish 
whatever he pleased on any subject." ' 

The editor of the "Observer" seems to have thought 
that the antiabolition resolutions of this meeting were all 
for effect — that there would be no serious objection to a 
discussion of the slavery question. The assurances of 
support given him would appear to confirm this belief. 
But he was mistaken. There was not only a strong feel- 
ing of antipathy for abolitionism in Alton, but also a 
decided opposition to any lively discussion of the slavery 
problem. 

The subscription list and account books of the "Ob- 
server" had escaped destruction, but ill-health and the 
necessity of procuring a new press prevented the reissu- 
ance of the paper until the 8th of September. 2 The 
publication was resumed with about a thousand subscrib- 
ers, of whom a hundred had been secured in Alton since 
the location of the office there. The circulation increased 
steadily until August, 1837, when the number of subscrip- 
tions reached two thousand. 3 

Meanwhile the "Observer" was conducted with the 
same fearless spirit as in St. Louis, and the subject of 
slavery unceasingly discussed. Mr. Lovejoy's opinions 
were, however, undergoing a radical change. He was 

1 "Alton Telegraph," July 27. Letter to his brother Joseph dated July 30. 
Compare also with the testimony of the leading citizens on this point, given in 
Mr. Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy," page 87, note. 

* On August 1; a small sheet headed "Extra" was gotten out. It was 
printed only on one side, and contained Mr. Lovejoy's letter to the "Alton 
Telegraph" (printed July 27) and an editorial which had appeared in the same 
paper on the same date. 

3 Editorial in "Observer," August 10, 1837. 



So NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

passing from gradual to immediate emancipation. He 
began taking abolition publications in the winter of 1836- 
1837, and admitted his interest in them the following 
May. 1 

The impression that this reading was making upon Mr. 
Lovejoy was early evident. In December, 1836, he 
wrote, "The slave-masters of the South, though guilty of 
great cruelty, are not monsters of inhumanity. Far from 
it. The great majority of them are men of generous 
human sentiments. But they do not know what they do. 
And the first call made upon them to emancipate their 
slaves sounds very much in their ears as it would if you 
should demand of them no longer to harness up their 
horses and plow their fields. The call must be reiterated, 
accompanied with reasons why it should be attended to, 
and ere long it will prevail." 2 These words are moder- 
ate, but they contain one of the leading principles of abo- 
litionism — agitation. 3 

In January he admits that the abolitionists are not so 
fanatical and incendiary as people seem to believe. 4 Some 
of their leaders are possibly extremists and cranks, but 
the majority of antislavery men are honest, thoughtful, 
and enlightened citizens. They have justice, good sense, 
and right on their side. They, too, are aiming at the 
extermination of the evils of slavery. Whose methods 
are the better, the right ones, — his or theirs? 

1 Issue of May 4. 

2 "Observer," December I, 1836. 

3 When the National Antislavery Convention met at Philadelphia on 
December 4, 1833, it adopted the following platform: "We shall organize anti- 
slavery societies if possible in every city, town, and village in the land. We 
shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of 
entreaty, and rebuke. We shall circulate unsparingly and extensively anti- 
slavery tracts and periodicals. We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the 
cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall spare no exertions nor means 
to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance." 

4 "Observer," January 5, 1837. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 8 1 

The citizens of the South had devised no scheme — were 
proposing none — whereby the negroes might in time be 
freed. Was there any real hope that the South would 
ever undertake such a task unless thoroughly aroused to 
the dangers and evils of the system? Could the slave- 
owners be stirred to vital action by moderate appeals and 
half-baked theories of gradual emancipation? Or was it 
possible that only a far-reaching and impressive agitation 
upon the issue of immediate freedom would startle them 
into a realization of the situation and inspire them with a 
desire to liberate their servants? Thus the issue of the 
hour forced itself upon him. He must decide, and decide 
for himself alone. 

Mr. Lovejoy faced the problem squarely, earnestly, 
deliberately. In February he resolutely discarded coloni- 
zation schemes and gradual emancipation as absolutely 
inadequate. "As well might a lady," he wrote, "think to 
bail out the Atlantic with her thimble, as the Colonization 
Society to remove slavery by colonizing the slaves in 
Africa." 1 

Next he turned to the "Gospel of the Son of God" as 
the real remedy for the trouble ; but before long this was 
abandoned. All that the preaching of the Gospel had 
thus far accomplished was "the good treatment of the 
slaves," 2 when the "very first step in this good treat- 
ment" ought to have been — to set them free. 2 

The first sign of Mr. Lovejoy's readiness to adopt 
abolitionism came in June. The secretary of the National 
Antislavery Society wrote the "Observer" for the names 
of persons willing to assist in petitioning Congress for the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The 

1 "Observer," February 2, 1837. 

s See Mr. Lovejoy's comments ("Observer," March 16) on the Rev. J. 
Douglass's letter on this subject in the "Boston Recorder," February, 1837. 



82 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

editor approved the plan, and published this letter in the 
issue of June 29. * 

A few local antislavery societies existed at the time in 
Illinois. The supporters of the movement seemed to be 
increasing almost daily. Many influential men were urging 
the formation of a State organization, 2 and the conditions 
appeared favorable for its inauguration. On July 6, Mr. 
Lovejoy published an eloquent editorial, advocating the 
organization of an "Illinois State Antislavery Society," 
and requesting opinions as to the best time and place for 
holding a convention to form such a society. 

His appeal met with a ready response, and by August 
it was generally agreed that a State Convention should be 
held in Alton about November I. 3 On August 15 the 
Madison County Antislavery Society extended an invita- 
tion to the State Antislavery Convention to meet in Upper 
Alton on October 26, 1837. 4 

Thus Mr. Lovejoy took his stand in the front ranks of 
abolitionism. He never regretted the step; never 
faltered; never looked back; but fought valiantly and 
fearlessly for the cause as long as he lived. 

His antislavery editorials had already brought him into 
disfavor, and stirred up in Alton a strong sentiment of 
opposition to the "Observer." Since the spring all sorts 
of slanderous stories had been circulated about him. 5 
His principles were so misrepresented and his character 
so maligned that many were led to believe the editor of 
the "Observer" a dangerous citizen, a fanatic, and an 

1 "Observer," June 2q, "The United States Government has no right to 
interfere with slavery in the States, but it can and ought to forbid it in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia," he wrote. 

•Testimony of Dr. Beecher in the "Alton Riots," page 20. 

* "Observer," July 10, August 17, 1837. 

* "Observer," August 17. 

6 It was reported that he had said, if his wife died on Sunday, he would 
marry a negress before the next Saturday night. "Memoirs," page 212. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 83 

incendiary. Now that he was beginning to associate him- 
self openly with abolitionism, the opposition grew more 
outspoken and more direct in its attacks. 

On July 8 a mass meeting ' — attended chiefly by those 
interested in silencing Mr. Lovejoy — was held in the 
Market House, where the opinion was expressed, that the 
antislavery articles in the "Observer" were causing undue 
excitement in the city. Resolutions were passed censur- 
ing the editor for allowing the subject to be discussed in 
his paper, and averring that he was violating a sacred 
pledge in mentioning the topic of immediate abolition. A 
committee of five was delegated to wait upon Mr. Love- 
joy and to ascertain what he proposed to do in the matter. 2 

Nothing came of it until after the appearance of Mr. 
Lovejoy's second important abolition editorial, entitled 
"What Are the Doctrines of Antislavery Men?" 3 This 
was a clear, moderate, and unimpassioned exposition of 
the main principles of abolitionism. Its keynote was a 
call for the immediate emancipation of the negroes by 
their masters in such a manner as the slaveholders them- 
selves should select. Its author had no thought of excit- 
ing discord and anarchy in Alton. 4 His object was simply 
to place the doctrines before the public in their true pro- 
portions, and to awaken interest in the abolition movement 
about to be inaugurated in that district. 

The committee of five at once wrote Mr. Lovejoy, 
inclosing a copy of the resolutions adopted at the mass 
meeting of July 1 1 . He replied in a dignified and respect- 

1 Called by printed handbills. "Memoirs," page 206. 

2 Official report of the proceedings in the "Missouri Argus" of St. Louis, 
July 18, 1837; also "Alton Telegraph, July 12, 14, and August 16. 

3 "Observer," July 20. 

4 On the contrary, he assured his readers that he "trembled lest through 
any inadvertence of language we should make ourselves liable to be misunder- 
stood, and thus repel the minds of those we wish to gain." 



S4 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

ful epistle, 1 denying the right of a public meeting to dictate 
what sentiments should or should not be discussed in a 
duly authorized newspaper. 

No reference was made to the question of a "pledge 
of silence" concerning abolition doctrines. This was a 
grave mistake. Mr. Lovejoy had never dreamed of 
making any such promise. Nor had he thought it pos- 
sible that his words could be so misconstrued. He ought 
at this time to have had his speech and letter of the previ- 
ous year reprinted, and to have shown the public just 
where he stood in the matter. 

His brothers have assured us that he intended to deny 
the charge of having broken his pledge, but his friends 
persuaded him not to mention the subject. 2 If so, the 
friends were at fault, and did him deadly injury. His 
silence was construed by many as a tacit acknowledgment 
of the truth of the accusation. And the report, whether 
true or untrue, became an effective weapon in the hands 
of his enemies, and did irreparable injury to the reputa- 
tion of a man already unpopular. 3 

The antiabolition leaders were determined to silence 
the editor of the "Observer," or to drive him out of the 
city. It was thought that threats alone would suffice. 
Late on the night of August 21, as Mr. Lovejoy was 
hurrying into Alton after medicine for his wife, he was 
surrounded by a crowd of men and threatened with a coat 
of tar and feathers if he would not promise to leave town 
or to keep silent on the question of slavery. 

1 Printed in the "Alton Telegraph," August 16. 

2 "Memoirs," page 220. 

3 Mr. Lovejoy did finally send a letter denying this charge to the "Missouri 
Republican" of St. Louis, dated August 26, published September 1, but he was 
not believed. The editor of the "Missouri Republican" commented on the 
letter (issue of September 1), as follows: "In spite of all we do believe that he 
violated his promises to the citizens of Alton on the subject of slavery," and he 
is "certain that but one opinion prevails in the community on the subject." 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE S5 

The editor made no resistance, declaring firmly they 
might do with him as they liked, but he would make no 
such promise. Nonplussed by this brave stand, and not 
wishing as yet to attempt personal violence, the leaders 
allowed him to proceed on his way unharmed. But they 
led their men to the office of the "Observer," and pro- 
ceeded to destroy the press. 1 

Many people now believed that Mr. Lovejoy and his 
friends would give up the attempt to maintain a paper in 
Alton. "You may confidently assure our friends and the 
public," wrote the Alton correspondent of the "Missouri 
Republican," "that abolitionism is now at an end in 
Alton." 2 The gentleman was wrong. Abolitionism did 
not die so easily. Nothing made it flourish as v/ell as 
persecution of this sort. 

The friends and supporter of the paper met immedi- 
ately and voted unanimously to reestablish the "Ob- 
server." 3 An appeal was issued at once to the subscribers 
and the general public. 4 No mention was made of slav- 
ery, but funds were solicited for a new press, in order that 
freedom of speech might be sustained in Illinois. A 
hearty response followed. Money and subscriptions came 
in so rapidly that Mr. Lovejoy's brother was able to pur- 
chase another press in Cincinnati and return with it by 
September 21. 

The report that a second press had been ordered in- 

1 For particulars, see "The Philanthropist," September 8, letter from Love- 
joy; "The Philanthropist," September 22, letter from special correspondent; 
"Alton Telegraph," August 23; "Missouri Republican," August 24, September 
1; Loveioy's letter to his mother, dated September 5, in the "Memoirs"; Auto- 
biography of G. M. T. Davis. 

3 "Missouri Republican," August 25, 1837. 

3 "Memoirs," page 244. 

4 Printed in the "Philanthropist" at Cincinnati, September 8. Fifteen 
hundred dollars was needed, and all interested in helping were asked to let the 
editor know immediately. See also Mr. Lovejoy's letter to the "Philanthro- 
pist," August 24. 



66 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

creased the excitement in Alton. The animosity displayed 
toward Mr. Lovejoy grew more pronounced; his ene- 
mies more active. On the other hand, his friends 
lost heart, and were divided by differences of opinion. 
Some thought it unwise to maintain a contest which 
involved a continued loss of presses and property. Others 
were convinced that the "Observer" ought to leave the 
subject of slavery alone and keep to religious questions. 
Still others were of the opinion that the whole matter 
would easily be settled if Mr. Lovejoy resigned the 
editorship. 

No hesitation was shown by Mr. Lovejoy. He wrote 
the proprietors of the paper offering to resign or to con- 
tinue the fight as the majority of the Presbyterian breth- 
ren should direct. A series of meetings were held. It 
was at length decided unanimously that the "Observer" 
must be maintained in Alton, but "no action was taken 
with regard to the editorship. 1 This was interpreted by 
Mr. Lovejoy as a tacit consent to his continuance in 
office. Thus the abolitionists avoided the responsibility 
of immediate action at a time when prompt decision and 
strenuous effort were imperative. They do not seem to 
have fully comprehended either the seriousness of the 
situation, or the resolute determination of the enemies of 
free discussion. 

Even the destruction of the second press, on Septem- 
ber 21, immediately after it had been landed on the wharf, 2 
did not arouse the friends of the "Observer" to the 
alarming state of affairs. They went on quietly with the 
preparations for the approaching antislavery convention, 
as if nothing had happened. On September 27, a sum- 

1 "Memoirs," page 2$o. 

2 "Alton Telegraph," September 27; "Missouri Republican," September 22; 
letter from Mr. Lovejoy to the "Philanthropist," in issue of October 17. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 87 

mons, signed by 242 persons, was issued for an antislavery 
State convention to be held at Upper Alton on October 
26. ' At first the invitation was limited to those persons 
who thought slavery a sin and desired its immediate abo- 
lition, 2 but through the efforts of Dr. Edward Beecher, 
of Illinois College, this was extended on October 18 to 
include all the "friends of free discussion." 3 It was 
hoped by thus broadening the invitation that many influ- 
ential residents of the State who were not abolitionists 
would be induced to attend and take part in the discus- 
sions. 

It did not work in the manner expected. On the 
contrary, a large number of antiabolition men attended 
the meeting under the pretense of being "friends of free 
discussion," carried things all their own way, and ad- 
journed the convention after a two days' session without 
anything of importance being accomplished. 4 

However, on Saturday, October 28, the antislavery 
men managed to assemble by themselves at the home of 
the Rev. T. B. Hurlburt, in Upper Alton. Here unmo- 
lested, they organized a "State Antislavery Society" 
numbering fifty-five members, and passed resolutions to 
the effect that the "Observer" ought to be reestablished 
at Alton with its present editor. A new press was ordered, 
and the friends of the "Observer" began to talk of organ- 
izing a company of militia to protect it on its arrival. 

Mr. Krum, the Mayor, promised to do all he could to 
preserve order, but he possessed no police force adequate 

1 See the little pamphlet "Proceedings of the Illinois Antislavery Conven- 
tion, held at Upper Alton, on the 26th-2Sth October, 1837," published 1838. 

2 "Alton Riots," page 24, and the above note, No. 1. 

3 "Alton Telegraph," October 18, 1837. 

4 For particulars, see "The Proceedings," mentioned in note No. 1; "Alton 
Telegraph," November i, 1837; "Alton Kiots," pages 26-30, etc.; "Memoirs," 
and note by Dr. Willard at back of Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy." 



88 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

to meet the emergency. The newspapers urged the citi- 
zens to respect the laws and maintain order. Yet little 
real effort was made to restore peace in the city. 1 

The persecution of Mr. Lovejoy continued. 2 On 
October I, the house where he was visiting in St. Charles, 
Missouri, was attacked by a mob led by citizens of Alton. 
But for the bravery of his wife and the assistance of a 
friend, Mr. Campbell, he would have been lynched or 
tarred and feathered. Finally he escaped from the rear 
of the house and found refuge at the home of a friend in 
the suburbs. 3 

On another occasion he narrowly escaped being mobbed, 
because the gang of men lying in wait failed to recognize 
him in the cap he wore in place of the usual wide-brimmed 
white hat. 4 The windows of his house in Upper Alton 
were shattered with stones. Threats against his life were 
heard abroad, and it became unsafe for him to appear on 
the streets. His brothers and intimate friends took turns 
sleeping in his house with weapons at their sides to pro- 
tect him. 

When it was known that the supporters of the "Ob- 
server" were expecting another press (the third), the 
excitement became intense. Leading citizens recognized 
that the time for immediate action had come, and two 
public meetings were held, on November 2 and 3, in the 
vain hope that some plan might be devised whereby order 
should be restored in the city before any violence to per- 
sons or property had been perpetrated. 

The friends of the "Observer" insisted in the name of 

1 Lovejoy's letter of November 6 to the "Philanthropist," printed in that 
paper on November 28. 

"The "Missouri Republican" approved it and urged it on. See issue ot 
September 22, etc. 

3 Letter ot Mr. Lovejoy in "Alton Telegraph," October 4, 1837. 

4 "Life of Enoch Long," page 93. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 89 

the freedom of the press that it was the duty of the city 
and the citizens to give Mr. Lovejoy ample protection for 
his person and property. The antiabolitionists, on the 
other hand, claimed that for the sake of peace and har- 
mony, Mr. Lovejoy ought to resign his position as editor 
and leave the town. Neither party made any attempt to 
meet the other halfway. The abolitionists never even 
thought of making concessions, and their opponents, 
although they suggested the necessity of compromise, 
took no step in that direction themselves. 1 

Mr. Lovejoy was present, and at the second session 
made a brilliant speech in defense of his position and the 
right to freedom of speech. He said he would willingly 
resign at the request of the subscribers of the "Observer," 
but never at the demand of a mob. He asked why he 
was so persecuted, and why they had not brought him 
before the courts, if he was deserving of punishment. 
Would the course they were pursuing, he demanded almost 
prophetically, stand the scrutiny of the nation? of poster- 
ity? Above all, of the judgment day? "Pause, I beseech 
you, and reflect. The present excitement will soon be 
over, the voice of conscience will at last be heard, and in 
some season of honest thought, even in this world, as you 
review the scenes of this hour, you will be compelled to 
say, 'He was right; he was right.' " 2 

All in vain. The meeting adjourned without taking 
action, other than the passage of certain partisan resolu- 
tions. These were directed against Mr. Lovejoy and the 
"Observer," and show the determined spirit of the anti- 

1 See official proceedings of these meetings, published in the "Alton Tele- 
graph," November 8, 1837; also Mr. Beecher's version in the "Alton Riots," 
pages 52-62 and following; "Memoirs" by brothers, pages 270-280. 

'"Alton Riots," pages 85-91. This is the only complete report of Mr. 
Loveioy's Speech. He wrote it out at the close of the meeting to please 
Mr. Beecher. 



90 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

abolitionists. No discussion of slavery would be permit- 
ted. It made no difference what editor, or what paper, 
dared attempt it. 1 All hope of compromise was now 
past. Nothing could be expected further from public 
conferences. The only remaining alternatives were, a 
resort to force, or the voluntary withdrawal from town 
of one of the contending factions. 

Mr. Lovejoy, wearied by the unrelenting persecution 
to which he was subjected, became alarmed for the safety 
of his family. He saw the folly of attempting to maintain 
the "Observer" in Alton, where no effective police pro- 
tection could be secured. Moved by a sincere desire to 
see order restored and the paper continued, he determined 
to sacrifice himself and make a public resignation. Ac- 
cordingly he handed to Mr. Bailhache, editor of the 
"Alton Telegraph," for publication in that paper, a note 
in which he signified his intention of severing his connec- 
tion with the "Observer." Before the letter could be 
set up, one of Mr. Lovejoy 's intimate abolition friends 
came into the office and asked leave to borrow the note. 
The friends of the editor, he said, wished to see it before 
it was printed. It never again appeared. Thus an easy 
solution of the problem was prevented, and Mr. Lovejoy 
forced to continue the contest. 2 

The friends of the "Observer" were united in the con- 
viction that the paper ought to be reestablished, with Mr. 
Lovejoy as editor, but divided in opinion as to where it 

'One of the resolutions said that "the citizens could not recommend the 
reestabhshment of the 'Observer' or any other paper of a similar character and 
conducted with a like spirit."— "Alton Telegraph," November 8, 1837. Mr. 
Linder testified in the Alton Trials that "it was not Mr. Lovejoy against whom 
they ob ected but his principles; and that if any man, even Daniel Webster, 
Henry Clay, or Andrew Jackson, should come there to discuss them, it would 
make no difference." "Alton Kiots," page 94. 

2 Editorial in the "Alton Telegraph," June 28, 1845; Mr. Bailhache was 
still editor. Also an article by Thomas Dimmock in the "Missouri Republic," 
July 23, i87t, entitled "Lovejoy." Mr. Dimmock names the Rev. F. W. Graves 
as the person who called for Mr. Lovejoy's note. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 91 

should be set up. Some thought it ought at any cost to 
be maintained in Alton. Others — more prudent — wished 
to remove it to some other place. At first it was pro- 
posed to deposit the press secretly at some landing on the 
river below Alton, where it could be kept hid until the 
excitement was over. Owing to bad weather and the delay 
in getting it up from Cincinnati, this plan was unfortu- 
nately abandoned. It was decided to let the printing 
machine come on to Alton, but arrangements were made 
for landing it at night and storing it away secretly. It 
was hoped that its existence in the city would remain 
unknown till the supporters of the "Observer" should 
determine where to set it up. 1 

In addition an effort was made to insure the safety of 
the press. The Mayor could furnish but one or two con- 
stables. So, with his approval, 2 a volunteer citizens' 
guard numbering about forty men was organized and 
drilled on November 5. Mr. William Harned was chosen 
captain, and a special number were detailed to watch for 
the printing-press. 

About two o'clock Tuesday morning, the 6th, the 
steamer "Missouri Fulton," arrived, and in the presence 
of the Mayor, the press was safely landed and carried to 
the store of Godfrey, Gilman & Co. No one appeared to 
molest the work. Those present were elated with the 
complete success of the manoeuvre, and believed that the 
worst was over. 

The following day the presence of the press in the city 
became known, and ere long it was reported that an 
attempt to break into the store would be made that night. 

1 Collection of articles and testimonials of persons who shared in the 
events of November 2-7, printed in the "Observer,'' December 28, 1837. 

2 Letter of the Mayor in the "Alton Telegraph, ' November 15, and his 
testimony in the Alton Trials. "Alton Trials," by Lincoln, pages 38-g. 



92 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

At first the antislaverv men — or as they preferred to call 
themselves, "the friends of good order" — gave little credit 
to the report. As the day advanced, however, their fears 
increased, and when evening came, a guard of twenty men 
was stationed in the store. 1 

About seven o'clock definite information was received 
by Mr. Gilman that a mob was collecting and would soon 
make a determined effort to secure the press. Prepara- 
tions were immediately put under way for the defense. 
Mr. Tanner, with eight men, was given charge of the 
ground floor, and the remainder of the men were stationed 
on the second and third stories under the command of 
Enoch Long. It was agreed to act merely on the 
defensive and to use firearms only in case of extreme 
necessity. 2 

The defenders now awaited in anxious expectancy the 
appearance of the mob. They felt reasonably secure. 
The building was a three-story stone structure extend- 
ing through the whole block from the river-landing 
to Second Street. The lots on both sides were vacant, 
so that the warehouse could easily be assailed from all 
sides. The only vulnerable points, however, were the 
doors and windows at the front and rear, and the wooden 
roof. The doors were quite strong, but the windows 
were without shutters. Not anticipating serious trouble, 
the "friends of good order" had made no preparations to 
withstand a siege. They had no food, and only a limited 
supply of ammunition. 

1 "List of men in building" that night, presented by Mr. H. Tanner to the 
Alton Historical Society. Testimony of Keating. H. W. West and others 
in the "Alton Kiot Trials"; Thos. Dimmock s Speech on Loveoy, and 
"Memoirs" of brothers, page 2S;. Mr. Loveioy's brothers assure us that only 
three or four of them were'abolftionists, while the rest were citizens who were 
interested in preserving good order. 

"Lecture on "Early Reminiscences of Alton," by loseph Brown. Mr. 
Brown was a boy at the time, and present in the store on the night of November 
~ Later became Mavor of Alton. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 93 

About ten o'clock a crowd of men, 1 armed with pistols, 
clubs, and stones appeared at the south end of the store 
and demanded the press. Mr. Gilman addressed the mob 
from a third-story window, urging the men to disperse 
peaceably to their homes, and refusing to give up the 
press. The crowd then passed around to the other end 
of the building and demolished the windows with a volley 
of stones. They next procured a piece of timber and 
prepared to break in the door. In order to frighten the 
defenders back from the windows above before the rush 
on the door was made, a few shots were fired into the 
warehouse. No one within was injured. The attack on 
the door began, and that instant Captain Long ordered 
the defenders to fire. Lyman Bishop, 2 who was helping 
to carry the timber, was shot and mortally wounded. He 
was carried to the office of Dr. Hart, where he died soon 
after, and the mob retired for a time. 

Its leaders raised their spirits in the grog-shops and soon 
returned, brandishing their weapons and shouting, they'd 
"like to kill every d — d abolitionist in town." Their follow- 
ers had increased in numbers, and they were better armed. 

Meanwhile the church bells had been rung, a great 
crowd of curious spectators had assembled, and the Mayor 
had arrived. He tried to persuade the multitude to dis- 
perse. Failing in this, Mr. Krum entered the store and 
endeavored to induce the besieged to compromise with the 
mob. Not succeeding here either, he withdrew from the 
building and announced to the crowd that the defenders 
of the press were determined not to yield. 

Immediately the excited throng rushed again to the 
assault, shouting, "Fire the house!" "Burn 'em out!" 

1 The Mayor gives the number as 20 to 30. 

' He was a young carpenter who had come to Alton from New York State 
just a few days previously. 



94 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

They passed around to the east side, where there were no 
windows, and placed a ladder against the wall. Before 
they could mount five of the besieged volunteered to gain 
control of the ladder. Among them was Mr. Lovejoy. 
They rushed out from the south door, fired a volley, fright- 
ened the men away from the ladder, and returned to load. 

In a few moments Mr. Lovejoy and several others 
stepped outside to reconnoitre. It was a moonlight night. 
They could see plainly and were themselves exposed to 
view. Just at that moment some one behind a pile of 
lumber in the lot fired upon them, mortally wounding Mr. 
Lovejoy and slightly injuring Mr. Weller. Mr. Lovejoy 
ran into the warehouse, where he fell, exclaiming, "I am 
shot," and expired almost immediately. 1 

Mr. Harned then informed the mob of Mr. Lovejoy's 
death, and offered to surrender the press, if those inside 
were allowed to retreat in safety. Receiving no definite 
answer, the besieged decided to make a dash from the 
rear door along the river front. Some shots were fired 
at them, but they effected their escape unharmed, leaving 
behind the dead and wounded. Meanwhile some inter- 
ested spectators extinguished the fire on the roof, and the 
mob broke into the warehouse. The press was thrown 
out onto the landing, smashed as much as possible, and 
tossed into the river." 

The next day a few friends removed the body of Mr. 

1 "Memoirs," pages 289 and 200. 

• The battered press lay in the river till 1858, when W. R. Mead bought 
the "find" for $3;, and removed it to Iowa. From 1858 to 1S70 it was used to 
print the "Cresco Plain Dealer," at New Oregon. Howard County, Iowa. Then 
George E. Frost bought it for Suo and printed the "Clear Lake Observer " 
on it til! about 1876, when it was again sold to F. A. Gates, editor of the 
"Belmont Herald." For about twenty years it remained in service at Belmont, 
Iowa, and was then sold to Mr. C. F. Gunther, of Chicago, who exhibited it in 
"Libby Prison," and in whose possession it now remains. 

Testimonv of Mr. Frost in "Clear Lake Observer," December, 1^70; "Bel- 
mont Herald," December 15, 1S7O; E. A. Pierce, present editor of "Belmont 
Herald," in personal note; and C. F. Gunther. 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 95 

Lovejoy to his home. Vulgar jests and sneers were hurled 
at the little company as they moved along the streets. 
There was no inquest, and he was buried on November 9 
without ceremony — other than a prayer at the grave by 
the Rev. Thomas Lippencott, his father-in-law. 1 

It has never been proved who shot Mr. Lovejoy. 2 On 
Friday, January 19, 1 83 8, a number of the chief partici- 
pants in the events of November 7 were arraigned before 
the Court; but they were all unanimously acquitted on 
the ground that the evidence presented was not sufficient 
to prove that those persons mentioned in the indictment 
had taken part in the riot or in the destruction of the 
press. The testimonies given clearly show, however, 
that each of the individuals on trial had been present, and 
that most of them had had weapons of some sort in their 
hands. 3 The counsel for the defense was Mr. U. F. 
Linder, State's Attorney, and one of the men who had 
spoken strongly against Mr. Lovejoy in the meetings of 
November 2 and 3. 

The character of this defense of the rioters, the refusal 
of the citizens to give the protection requested by the 
friends of the "Observer," and the fact that the jury 
returned a verdict of "not guilty" within fifteen minutes, 
all go to prove that the Alton public not only wished to 
protect the participants in the riot, but also applauded 
their deeds of the night of November 7. 

In fact, in Alton and its immediate vicinity public 
sentiment decried Lovejoy and laid the blame of the ex- 

1 For particulars of the events of November 7, see letter of Mayor, "Alton 
Telegraph," November 15, 1837; letter signed "\Y," "Cincinnati Journal," No- 
vember 8; "Missouri Argus. " November 18; "Missouri Republican," November 
10; "Alton Telegraph," November 8, 15, 2q; "Alton Observer," December 28, 
1837; testimonies in the "Alton Riot Trials," "Memoirs," "Alton Riots, ' etc. 

J Dr. Samuel Willard says that J. M.Rock was the person who did the 
shooting. See Appendix to Tanner's "Martyrdom of Lovejoy." 

'"Notes on the Alton Trials," by Lincoln, published 1838. 



9 6 



NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 



citement and the riot upon the shoulders of the abolition- 
ists and of Mr. Lovejoy himself, 1 but throughout the 
nation generally the action of the rioters was condemned 
and Lovejoy's death laid at their door. 

The press of the North was almost unanimous — non- 
abolition as well as abolition — in its support of Mr. Love- 
joy and his conduct. 2 The abolitionists naturally claimed 
him as a martyr to their own cause. 3 The other papers — 
even those like the "Peoria Register," the "Clermont 
(Ohio) Courier," and the "Pittsburg Times," which were 
distinctly antiabolition — regarded Mr. Lovejoy as the 
champion of the liberties of the country. They spoke of 
the event as a violation of the freedom of the press, and 
argued conclusively that such illegal violence would do 
more for the cause of the abolitionists than any number 
of speeches, pamphlets, or books could ever do. 

It is remarkable also that the strongest sentiments of dis- 
approval of the action of the Alton mob came from Southern 
editors; and that as a whole the papers of the South depre- 
cated the murder and arson as much as those of the North.* 

1 See. for example, "Missouri Saturday News," February 3, 1838, and "Mis- 
souri Republican" for November 10, 14, December 3 and 21, 1837. 

'See all newspapers of the time, of which we can mention the "Peoria 
Register," "Philadelphia Observer," "Galena Advertiser," "Fitchburg Cour- 
ier, "Haverhill Gazette." "New York Evening Post," "New York Observer," 
"MassachusettsSpv,'' "New York American," "The Pennsylvanian," "Taunton 
Whig," "Painesville (O.) Republican," "Hennepin Journal." "Boston Daily 
Advocate," "Pittsburg Commercial Journal," "Pittsburg Gazette," "Pittsburg 
Times," "Cincinnati Gazette, " "Clermont (.0.1 Courier," "Jertersonville (la.1 
Courier," "Providence Journal," "Boston Times," "Louisville Journal," 
"Louisville Herald," "Baltimore Chronicle," "Elizabeth (Ky.) Star." "Boston 
Atlas," "New York Baptist Register." "New York Journal of Commerce," 
"Salem Gazette," "Zion's Herald," "The Watchman, ' "New York Christian 
Intelligencer," "Western Christian Advocate," "Ohio Political Register," 
"Circleville (O.) Herald." and the "Concord Freeman," "Philanthropist," 
"Emancipator," and "Liberator," all of which deplored the riot and praised 
the stand of Lovejoy. 

3 See the "Philanthropist," November 21, 1837, November 28, 1837, and 
December 19, 1837; and other abolition papers in their November and Decem- 
ber issues. 

*See, for instance, the editorials in the "Philadelphia Observer" in refer- 
ence to the Southern press, November 20 to December 1, 1837; also, for same 
dates, "Louisville Herald" and "Journal," "Elizabethtown(,ky.) Star," and the 
"Baltimore Chronicle." 



THE LOVEJOY EPISODE 97 

The "Observer" was reissued at Cincinnati on Decem- 
ber 28, 1837, with Elisha W. Chester as editor, and its 
publication continued till the following April. 1 Its patron- 
age had vanished, however. Its vitality seems to have 
gone out with the life of its able editor and founder. No 
further attempt was made to replace it. Nor was there 
any antislavery paper published in Illinois for several 
years thereafter. 

The contest waged by the "friends of good order" in 
Alton did not benefit materially the cause of freedom of 
speech. It aroused but a temporary revulsion of feeling 
throughout the Union against such lawless proceedings. 
Similar outbreaks have occurred quite commonly at inter- 
vals ever since. 

On the other hand, the death of Mr. Lovejoy proved a 
great gain to the general abolition cause. It secured for 
that movement such men as Wendell Phillips and the Hon. 
Richard Fletcher, who might not have been won in any 
other way. 2 And it stirred all loyal antislavery men to 
renewed efforts and greater enthusiasm. 

In Illinois the effect of the rioting at Alton upon the 
antislavery cause was not at once apparent. There was 
a small public meeting in Chicago, which condemned the 
assault on the warehouse as a blow at the freedom of the 
press. This and the censure of a few papers like the 
"Peoria Register" were the only protests against the out- 
rage. In fact, few people in the State cared to raise their 
voices in condemnation of the deed — such was the disre- 
pute in which the abolitionists were then held. 3 

1 Discontinued after April ig, 1838. File in Chicago Historical Society. 

* "Boston Times," November 10-20. 

3 Z. Eastman's article, "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," in Blanchard's 
"Illinois." 

In 1837 the General Assembly of Illinois unanimously approved the report 
of a specfal committee, which condemned abolitionism in strong language, and 



98 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Nevertheless, the martyrdom of Lovejoy had a bene- 
ficial effect on many minds, and as will be more fully 
shown in the following pages, the antislavery movement 
in Illinois had its origin in the work and death of Elijah 
P. Lovejoy. 

closed with these words: "We sincerely deplore the evils of abolition societies; 
and we firmly believe their doctrines and proceedings are more productive of 
evil than of moral and political good." "Philanthropist," April 14, 1837. 




LYMAN J. TRUMBULL 

{From Portrait in Possession of George H. Robbins, Esq., Chicago) 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS. 

It has already been shown how the system of inden- 
tured servants was introduced by the Territorial laws of 
Indiana in 1 807, and confirmed by the Illinois Constitu- 
tion of 1818, and the Statutes of March, 1819, in seeming 
contradiction with the Ordinance of 1787. It might have 
been expected that ere long cases would arise to test the 
validity of these enactments, but in point of fact, such 
cases were very slow in making their appearance in the 
Supreme Court. It was six years after the laws respect- 
ing indentured servants were passed before the first case 
was argued, and nearly ten years before that court ren- 
dered any decision on the legality of the laws of 1 8 19. 
This was due to various causes. In the first place, negroes 
were forbidden by law to appear as witnesses in court. 1 
Then they were too poor, for the most part, to inaugurate 
lawsuits and fight their way up to the Supreme Court. 
Moreover, the public concerned themselves very little 
about the indentured servants in those days. Nor were 
the lawyers sufficiently interested or philanthropically 
enough inclined to champion their cause. 

The first case which came before the Supreme Court 
of Illinois having a bearing on this subject was that of 
Cornelius vs. Cohen. 2 This was tried in the winter term 
of 1825. It was the case of a negro girl, named Betsey, 
whose mother — Rachel — had apprenticed herself to one 

1 Statutes, i8ig (March), and 1827 (February), "Act Concerning Practice." 
* Illinois Supreme Court Decisions; Breeze, page 131. 

99 



ioo NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Joseph Cornelius, on October 6, 1 804, for a term of 
fifteen years. The indenture, which had been signed only 
by Rachel, had expired, and the woman was now free. 
Mr. Cornelius, however, claimed the right to the services 
of Betsey, the daughter of his former servant Rachel, 
under the Territorial law of 1 807. 

Justice Lockwood rendered the decision of the Court, 
to the effect that the 13th section of the Act of 1807 did 
not embrace cases where the master and servant did not 
agree upon the time of service before the County Clerk. 
Therefore we have the principle established, that inden- 
tures not signed by the master are void. It is to be 
inferred, also, that the Court did not consider indentures 
legal unless signed by both contracting parties, or in other 
words, unless issued in strict compliance with the terms 
of the Act of 1807. This was a small but an essential 
gain for the negroes, since this decision must have acted 
as an effectual check on all unscrupulous masters who 
would, if it were possible, entice and browbeat free 
negroes into their service. 

The first important case was that of Nance vs. Howard, 1 
which was decided in December, 1828. The vital ques- 
tion at issue was, Can negroes be sold in Illinois? The 
Supreme Court was of the opinion that "registered ser- 
vants are goods and chattels, and can be sold on execu- 
tion." 

As proof of this assertion, Justice Lockwood showed 
that both the Territorial Legislatures 2 and the State 
Legislature 3 had considered registered servants as per- 
sonal property. Then, too, the execution and attach- 
ment laws of the State provided that the time of negro 

1 Breeze, page 242. 

'Acts, September 17, 1807, on "Execution," Sec. 7; on "Servants," Sec. 3. 

3 State Session Laws, March 27, 1819; February 18, 1823; February 19, 1827. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 101 

servants may be sold or transferred, 1 and while a poll tax 
was forbidden by the Constitution, negro servants have 
always been taxed as property, not per head but per value. 2 
Therefore, since registered servants are property, they are 
transferable like other goods and chattels on execution. 

This was a question of vital interest, as it affected 
both the transfers of indentured negroes, which were con- 
stantly occurring, and the sale by the sheriffs of the time 
of negroes who might be found at liberty in the State, but 
without freedom papers. The judgment in this case of 
Nance vs. Howard, confirmed then the legality of those 
laws which provided for the sale of the time of indentured 
negroes. This held good until the Supreme Court, twelve 
years later, reversed its decision, and declared that the 
presumption of the law in Illinois is, that every person is 
free without regard to color, and that the sale of free 
persons is illegal. 3 

In the same session in which the case of Nance vs. 
Howard was decided, a far more important judgment was 
rendered in the case of Phoebe vs. William Jay. 4 The 
facts of the affair were as follows: Phoebe had been 
indentured by Joseph Jay in November, 1 8 14, to serve 
forty years. In course of time Joseph Jay died, leaving 
all his property to his son, William Jay, who was also his 
executor. The question now arose, did Phoebe go to 
William along with the other property? and if so, could 
he therefore compel her to render service to him by whip- 

1 Execution Laws, March 22, 1819. Statutes of Illinois, page 181; Feb- 
ruary 17, 1823, page 173. 

Attachment Laws, January 24, 1827, page 76; on slaves. 

2 Statutes of Illinois, 1827. Act on Revenue, page 331, levies tax of one- 
half per cent on all property. 

3 Cases of Bailey vs. Cromwell et al., 1840, (July Term) 3 Scammon, 71 Su- 
preme Court Decisions. Kinney vs. Cook, i840(December Term), 3 Scammon 
232. Sarah vs. Borders, 1843 (December Term) 4 Scammon, 341. 

4 Breeze, page 268. 



102 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

ping or other punishment? In order to settle the question 
it was necessary first for the Court to give its opinion on 
the right to hold indentured servants under the laws and 
Constitution of Illinois — a point it had thus far carefully 
avoided. In rendering the opinion Justice Lockwood ' be- 
gan by declaring that the Act of 1 807 was void, being 
repugnant to the 6th Article of the Ordinance of 1787. In 
support of this claim he said, "I conceive that it would be 
an insult to common sense to contend that the negro, under 
the circumstances in which he is placed, had any free 
agency. The only choice given him was a choice of evils. 
On either hand, servitude was to be his lot. The terms 
proposed were, slavery for a period of years, generally 
extending beyond the probable duration of his life, or a 
return to a perpetual slavery in the place from whence he 
was brought. The indenturing was in effect an involun- 
tary servitude for a period of years, and was void, being 
in violation of the Ordinance." 2 

But he went on to prove that indentures contracted 
under that law were made valid by the 3d section of 
Article VI. of the Constitution of 1 8 18, on the ground 
that a Constitution can do what is impossible for a legis- 
lative act to accomplish. 3 

Then he proceeded to show that the Ordinance of 1787 
was no longer binding on the people of Illinois, because 
the parties to it had abrogated it by "common consent." 
The people of Illinois had abrogated it, by consenting to 
indentures in their Constitution of 1818; and Congress 
had abrogated it by accepting the same Constitution 
when the State applied for admittance to the Union. 

1 It is interesting to note that this Judge Samuel J. Lockwood was one of 
the leaders in the antislavery movement in this State in 1823-1824 against the 
Conventionists. 

* Breeze, page 270. 

a Breeze, page 271. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 103 

It was also demonstrated in the argument on this case 
that, in the event of the death of a master, his servants 
were not free; nor did they descend to his heirs or heirs 
at law; but they must pass into the hands of the de- 
ceased's legatees, executors, or administrators. The 
administrator, however, had no power to compel the ser- 
vant or servants to perform services; but he was to hold 
them in custody merely, until their terms of service could 
be sold. Thus the Supreme Court supported the Legis- 
lature in declaring the holding of indentured slaves legal, 
and thereby fastened the fetters more securely on the 
negro. Still it was an advance to have the bequeathing 
of negroes by will forbidden. 

There was no law on the subject, and therefore people 
had handed down their servants to their children or other 
relatives as they saw fit. Till then there had been no 
chance of the negro escaping from the full term of his 
indenture. This decision gave him at least one loop- 
hole of escape. Some one charitably inclined might 
buy him at the administrator's sale and set him free 
immediately, or after a very short term of service. Yet, 
in the main, these were all false hopes. Nothing of 
great or lasting value could be expected from such a 
decision. 

It was not until the year 1836 that the first decisive 
step was made toward freeing the colored people from 
unjust legislation. In that year it was first insisted upon 
by the Supreme Court that all indentures not made in 
strict conformity with that portion of the act of 1807 
embodied in the Constitution of 1818 were illegal, and 
that service under them could not be enforced. This 
meant that all negroes who were not registered or inden- 
tured within thirty clays after being brought into the State 



104 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

could not be held to service, and would therefore become 
free through continued residence in the State. 1 We shall 
soon see how this latter point was confirmed by the judges 
of the Circuit Court six years later. 

Another important decision of 1836 was that in the 
case of Boon vs. Juliet. 2 This was a question of the right 
of Boon to the services of the children of a colored 
woman, named Juliet. Juliet had been registered in Ran- 
dolph County on July 20, 1 808, by one Gaston. In 
course of time she had been sold by the Gastons to the 
Boons, and had finally served out her time. She had, 
however, three children — Peter, Harrison, and Enoch — 
two of whom were born before 18 18 and one since that 
date. Bennington Boon claimed the right to the services 
of these children for some years yet, under the Act of 
1807 and of the proviso attached to section three, 
Article VI., of the Constitution of 1818. The Court 
decided that the children of negroes registered under the 
Territorial laws of Indiana and Illinois were unquestion- 
ably free. Justice Smith, who rendered the opinion of 
the Court, affirmed that the law of 1807 did not refer to 
registered negroes, but only to indentured servants, and 
that the proviso of section three, Article VI., of the 
Constitution did not necessarily make the persons therein 
named subject to slavery; for a proviso in law is in- 
tended to qualify the section preceding it; and this one 
was purposed as a mere limitation on the imagined right, 
by inference from the law of 1807, of the master to the 
services of their children. In other words, it was intended 

' Choisser vs. Barney Hargrave, i Scammon, p. 337. Barney Hargrave had 
been brought into Illinois in 1816, or before, and was not registered as an in- 
dentured servant until August 15, 1818. Barney was sold by his first master, 
Willis Hargrave, of Gallatin County, to A. S. Wright, and by the latter to John 
Choisser. 

2 1 Scammon, page 258. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 105 

by the framers of the Constitution that the children of 
indentured servants should not be generally held as slaves, 
but where masters possessed any legal right to hold such 
children in their service, by mutual agreement or other- 
wise, the term of servitude should not extend beyond the 
twenty-first birthday in the case of males, and the eight- 
eenth in the case of females. 

The importance of this decision is at once apparent, 
when we remember that the larger proportion of the 
younger slaves were the offspring of negroes who had 
been indentured under these Territorial laws. It is 
most difficult to determine at present just how many re- 
ceived their freedom through this act of the Supreme 
Court, but the number must have been considerable. 1 

In the years 1840 and 1841 it was established, in the 
cases of Bailey vs. Cromwell 2 and Kinney vs. Cook, 3 that 
"the presumption of the law in Illinois is that every per- 
son is free without regard to color," and "the sale of a 
free person is illegal." Thus the selling of indentured 
servants was rendered illegal. This decision, as well as 
that rendered in the case of Phoebe vs. Jay, was confirmed 
in the case of Sarah vs. Borders, 4 which came before 
the Supreme Court in its December term, 1843. This 
celebrated case shows so well the feeling between slavery 
and antislavery men at the time, as well as the great diffi- 
culties in getting such a case a fair trial in the lower 

1 The United States Census (or 1830 places the number of slaves in Illinois 
at 747, while that of 1840 reports only 184. This, if correct, would give the re- 
markable decrease of 563 in ten years, or about 75 per cent. There seems to 
be an error in the returns for 1840, however. Messrs. Bailhache and Company, 
editors of the "Alton Telegraph," in their "Tabular Statement," published in 
February. 1841, give the number of slaves as 300. This "Tabular Statement" 
was compiled from the returns made by J A. Townsend for the United States 
Marshal. This would make the decrease in slaves held for the decade 1830-40 
nearer 60 per cent than 75 per cent. This was not all due to the decision in 
the case of Boone vs. Juliet. The granting of freedom papers, the expiration 
of indentures, the kidnapping of colored servants, and ravages of death all 
played a part in this lessening of the number of slaves held. 

2 3 Scammon, page 71. 3 3 Scammon, page 232. 4 4 Scammon, page 341. 



106 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

courts and in carrying it safely to the superior courts for 
final judgment, that the history of it should be related in 
full. 

In the early forties Andrew Borders, 1 a man well known 
for his cruelty and rapacity, was living near Eden in Ran- 
dolph County. He possessed several negro servants, to 
whom he clung with all the determination and passion of 
a true Southerner. Two of his colored women, feeling 
entitled to their freedom, and anxious to escape the cruelty 
of their master, left him, and with three children made 
their way northward. One of these women was named 
Sarah Borders, and was the mother of the three young 
negroes. 

The party proceeded in security, aided by persons here 
and there, who were known as "friends of the negro," 
until they reached French Creek in Peoria County. Here 
they were given a temporary home at the house of John 
Cross, a well-known abolitionist. They had been in the 
house only a few days when a party of men, led by a 
justice of peace, named Jacob Knightlinger, appeared, who 
carried them off per force and lodged them in the county 
jail at Knoxville. This was in the latter part of Septem- 
ber, 1842. 

The negroes were treated as fugitive slaves. Their 
arrest was advertised by the County Sheriff, and it was 
expected that they would be sold at auction if their 
master did not put in a claim for them. The two women 
claimed to be free, and the sympathy of all the antislavery 
residents of the region was aroused in their favor. The 

1 For authorities in the details of Borders's case, see "Western Citizen." 
July 6, 184^ letter dated Galesburg, June 23, 1843, and signed "Liberty." 
"Western Citizen," February 22, 1844, article on the three cases of Borders, 
Eells, and Willard. "Western Citizen," July 8, 1844, letter from J. Cross. 
"Western Citizen," September 23, 1842, letter from J. Cross; letter from Gales- 
burg, Eden, etc., in "Western Citizen," October 7, 28, and December 23, 1842; 
also 4 Scammon, page 341. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 107 

abolitionists made the quarters of the negroes in the jail 
as comfortable as possible, and exerted themselves to the 
utmost to secure their freedom. 

As soon as Mr. Borders's representative appeared with 
papers claiming the fugitives, the case was hurriedly 
brought before a justice of peace, who declared that both 
the women and the children were entitled to their free- 
dom. But Borders's lawyer appealed the case immedi- 
ately to the County Court, at the same time bringing suits 
against the abolitionists who had aided the negroes, for 
seizing and carrying off the property of Mr. Borders. 

The trial soon came off in the midst of considerable 
excitement, there being many persons who sympathized 
with Borders, as well as antislavery partisans who sus- 
tained the negroes. Borders won his suits, and even 
succeeded in getting a verdict against the first justice who 
heard the case, for detaining Borders's papers from Mon- 
day till Saturday before deciding the suit. Then the 
abolitionists appealed the matter to the Circuit Court, 
which was to be held the following June (1843) at Gales- 
burg, Knox County, by the Honorable Jesse B. Thomas. 

Here again both parties made strenuous efforts. Mr. 
Cross was his own counsel, defending himself and the 
negroes vigorously. Mr. Borders's agent exerted him- 
self not only to win his suits, but also to punish the 
abolitionists for interfering in Borders's affairs. The 
abolitionists claim that he bribed a number of the officials, 
packed the jury with slavery sympathizers, and brought 
up from Randolph County a barrel of peach brandy, 
which was presented to the sheriff for the use of the Court 
and its officials. 

The old man was again successful in getting his right 
to the children sanctioned, in spite of testimony by men 



10S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

from Randolph County that Hannah had been kept eigh- 
teen months over time. The cases for trespass and carry- 
ing off of the negroes were dismissed by the Court, since 
the jury found no cause for action; and the right of the 
two women to their freedom was confirmed. In addition, 
Borders's desire for revenge was somewhat appeased, 
when the jury found bills of indictment on trumped- 
up charges against some of the men who had clothed, 
fed, and protected the colored children. 1 

However, the "friends of the slave" were not discour- 
aged. In junction with other antislavery men in Eden, a 
suit was brought against Borders in Randolph County, for 
holding negroes in service after the time set by law had 
expired. Borders was again successful, and finally the 
case was appealed, and came up before the Supreme Court 
in the December term, 1843. Lyman Trumbull and 
Gustave Koerner were the attorneys for the plaintiff. 
They made an able and exhaustive argument to prove 
that the holding of negroes as servants or slaves in Illinois 
was illegal, being contrary to the Ordinance of 1787, 
which they asserted was still binding. They were not 
able to convince a majority of the judges of the correct- 
ness of their argument, and the Court expressed itself, 
through Judges Scates and Thomas, as fully in sympathy 
with the argument and position of the court in the case of 
Phcebe vs. Jay, and rendered its verdict accordingly. 

This decision excited much criticism throughout the 
State, especially from the antislavery men. The Court 
was accused of corruption, and of subserviency to the 
slave power, and its opinion was a matter of great disap- 
pointment to many who had earnestly hoped that the Court 

' One was sentenced for beating his wife, and another for misapplying the 
funds ot the School Board of Galesburg, of which he was a member. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 109 

would declare the holding of negro indentured servants 
illegal. 

In the year 1842 two cases came up before the Circuit 
Court of Sangamon District, which show the increasing 
tendency among the ranks of the judiciary (that had 
already manifested itself prominently among the inhabi- 
tants of central and northern Illinois) to give the negro 
full legal protection and justice. The first was the case 
of the negro Daniel, who had been arrested and commit- 
ted to jail in Springfield for having no freedom papers. 
This was in accordance with the law passed on the 17th 
of January, 1829, which provided, as we have seen, that 
every black person found in the State without freedom 
papers should be arrested, and after six weeks' notice 
should, by the sheriff of the county, be hired out by the 
month. Daniel, by the help of friends, secured a writ of 
habeas corpus, and had his case brought before Judge 
Treat. The judge declared that the act of 1829 was un- 
constitutional, and that Daniel was entitled to his free- 
dom, which was granted to him. 1 

The second case was that of James Foster, 2 a colored 
man, who had been living in Springfield during the two 
or three years previous to that time. A citizen of Arkan- 
sas suddenly appeared, claimed Foster as his slave, and 
demanded him in accordance with the act of Congress 
regarding fugitive slaves. The matter was brought before 
Judge Treat for adjudication. He required the slave- 
holder to prove the negro was his property "by disinter- 
ested witnesses," before he would surrender the slave to 

1 "Sangamon Journal," February 18, 1842; "Genius of Liberty," February 
26, 1842. 

2 This was confirmed later (1849, December term) by the Supreme Court, 
in "Thornton's Case," 11 Illinois (Supreme Court Decisions), page 332; and in 
1853 by Judge Skinner in the case of a negro arrested under a similar charge in 
Adams County. "Free West," December 8, 1853. 



no NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

his supposed master. This, as Mr. Lundy has already 
pointed out, 1 was in excess of the requirements of the act 
of Congress, which only stipulated that the slaveholder or 
his agent should make an affidavit of the identity of the 
person claimed. Yet it was a step in the right direction, 
because to white men all negroes look alike, and the prac- 
tice of kidnapping negroes had become so prevalent that 
the most stringent regulations were needed to protect the 
free blacks in Illinois. 

The early forties were, too, the period of another series 
of lawsuits which finally accrued to the advantage of the 
negro from still another point of view. These were the 
direct outcome of the Act of 1829, concerning runaway 
slaves, which imposed a penalty of five hundred dollars 
for harboring a negro not possessing a certificate of free- 
dom; for the agents of Southern slaveholders and their 
sympathizers in Illinois were not slow in getting out 
indictments against such antislavery men as dared to aid 
a fugitive black. 2 

The first of the cases which arose under that law was 
that of Owen Lovejoy, who was tried for the supposed 
harboring of a negro woman named Nancy, by the Dis- 
trict Court of Bureau County, on October 5, 6, and 7, 
1843. 3 Mr. Purple, a lawyer of Peoria, and a strong 
opponent of abolitionism, had gotten out a warrant against 
Mr. Lovejoy for "keeping in his house, feeding, clothing, 
and comforting the said Nancy," and also a negress 
named Agnes. The case was first tried before the 
County Court of Bureau County in May, 1843, where 
Purple seems to have been victorious. In October it 

1 "Genius of Liberty," February 26, 1842. 

* Illinois Statutes, 1829, January 17. Sec. 1 and 2, and Revised Statutes, 1845, 
Sec. 5, Chapter 74, §500 penalty for harboring a negro without freedom papers. 

3 For good but slightly partisan account, see "Western Citizen," July 13, 
August 3, October 19 and 26, 1843. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS II I 

was carried to the Circuit Court of the same county, and 
tried before Judge Caton. There was much interest 
manifested in the affair. The excitement in Princeton 
was considerable, and the court-room was packed. The 
Honorable James H. Collins was the counsel for Lovejoy, 
and made a telling speech of seven hours' length in defense 
of his client. Mr. Lovejoy was fully acquitted of the 
charges. Since Mr. Lovejoy and Mr. Collins were both 
abolitionists, this acquittal was considered a great triumph 
for the antislavery element, and was duly celebrated as 
such in all antislavery papers and gatherings. 

In his charge to the jury, while declining to pass judg- 
ment on the constitutionality of the law under which the 
case was tried, Judge Caton made the following remark- 
able interpretation of the effect of residence in a free ter- 
ritory upon an escaped slave. He said: "The right to 
property in a slave is not one of those natural rights which 
necessarily and spontaneously result from the organization 
of society, like the right to property in animals, in fruits 
of agriculture, minerals, or the like, which are found by 
accident or produced by toil; but slavery can only exist 
either in the statute laws, the common laws, or by cus- 
tom. It is necessary, however, to be shown to exist in 
some of these forms in the State, District, or Territory 
where the supposed slave was held in bondage, before it 
is possible to show legally the relation of master and 
slaves." It was therefore necessary for the jury to find 
this evidence and the residence of the master of Nancy, 
before Lovejoy could be legally convicted. 

Still, as regards Illinois, Judge Caton continued: "By 
the Constitution of this State, slavery cannot exist here. 
If, therefore, a master voluntarily bring his slave within 
the State, he becomes from that moment free, and if he 



112 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

escape from his master while in this State, it is not an 
escape from slavery, but it is going where a free man has 
a right to go; and the harboring of such a person is no 
offense against our law; but the tie which binds a slave 
to his master can be severed only by the voluntary act of 
the latter." ' If the slave comes in without the consent 
of the master he always belongs to the master, no matter 
where he may go. 2 

This is the first instance where the courts of Illinois de- 
clared that residence in a free Territory entitled a slave 
to his freedom. 3 This opinion was confirmed by the 
Supreme Court of the State in Jarrot vs. Jarrot, in 1845, 4 
and reaffirmed by Judges Wilson and Treat in the Octo- 
ber term, 1847, of the Coles County Circuit Court, in 
the case of General Matteson. 5 Its effect upon the hold- 
ing of indentured servants in Illinois, we shall soon see, 
was most important. 

In the same term (December, 1843) th at the Supreme 
Court of Illinois rendered its decision in Sarah Bor- 
ders 's case, it gave judgment in two other cases which 
excited great public comment, and had an important bear- 
ing upon the question of fugitive slaves and the rights of 
their masters to retain them. 

The first of these was the case of Richard Eells of 
Quincy. This came up from Adams County, where 

1 "Western Citizen," October 26, 1843. 

2 This last was in accordance with the Constitution and Laws of the United 
States and the Laws of the State from which the slave came. 

3 The Supreme Courts of other States had already rendered similar de- 
cisions: Mississippi, 1818, Harvey vs. Dacker, Miss. R. 36, (Supreme Court 
Decisions). Louisiana, 1830, Merry vs. Chexnaider, 20 Martin 6gg (Supreme 
Court Decisions). Indiana, 1820, Indiana vs. Lasalle, 1 Blackf. 60 (Supreme 
Court Decisions). Missouri, Winny vs. Whiteside, 1 Mo. 72 (Supreme Court 
Decisions). Missouri, 1827, Merry vs. Titten, 1 Mo. 725 (Supreme Court De- 
cisions). 

4 2Gilmore 1, (Supreme Court Decisions). 

B "Coles County Globe" for October, 1847; "Charleston Globe" for October, 
1847; and "Western Citizen," September7, November 10, and December 18, 1847. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 113 

Eells had been tried for secreting a runaway slave, before 
the Circuit Court, over which the Honorable Stephen A. 
Douglas presided. The judgment had been adverse to 
Dr. Eells, and he had been fined four hundred dollars 
for the offense. 1 The Supreme Court then reviewed the 
case and confirmed the opinion of the lower court. 

The following points were brought out by Judge 
Shields, who rendered the opinion of the bench. A State 
has the right to legislate upon the subject of fugitive 
slaves; it may even prohibit the introduction of negro 
slaves into its territory, and punish its citizens who intro- 
duce them; but no State can pass a law which will inter- 
fere with the right of the master to his slave, or in any 
other way infringe upon that portion of the subject cov- 
ered by the "Fugitive Slave Laws," passed by the Con- 
gress of the United States. To secrete a slave is an 
attempt to defraud its owner of his property, and so much 
of section 149 of the Criminal Code 2 of Illinois as pro- 
vides for punishing any person who shall secrete a negro 
slave is not in conflict with the third paragraph of section 
2, of Article IV. of the Constitution of the United States; 
nor does it interfere with the remedy provided by Con- 
gress for the recovery of the slave, or the mode of prose- 
cuting that remedy. 3 Here again the latter portion of the 
charge to the jury by Judge Caton in the Lovejoy case 
was maintained, namely, that the escaping of a slave to 
free territory did not make him free, but he remained still, 
wherever he might go, the property of his master. He 
might be claimed by his owner at any time, and any per- 
son who should assist or secrete such a slave rendered him- 
self liable to arrest and punishment under the State laws. 

1 "Western Citizen," February 22, 1844. 

2 Same as in law of 1829, referred to above. 

3 4 Scammon, page 498, Richard Eells vs. The People. 



114 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The other case was that of Julius A. Willard vs. The 
People. 1 Willard was an abolitionist who lived in Jack- 
sonville. He had been indicted in the Morgan County 
Circuit Court and fined twenty dollars and costs by Judge 
Lockwood for hiding a runaway negro woman. This 
slave belonged to a Mrs. Leslie, of Louisiana, who had 
voluntarily brought her negro serving woman with her 
into the State and had resided for a short time in Jackson- 
ville. When Mrs. Leslie was proceeding towards Mis- 
souri (St. Louis) on her homeward journey, the negress 
escaped from her mistress. Willard aided in her escape, 
but a number of the proslavery citizens of the region 
joined in the pursuit, overtook the fugitives, and returned 
the girl to her mistress. 2 

The Supreme Court affirmed the judgment of the lower 
court, and through Judge Scates, expressed the opinion 
that, "A slaveholder has a perfect right to pass through 
Illinois with his slaves, and comity between the States 
will protect him in regarding the slaves as such, while 
within our limits." 3 Here we see that the Supreme 
Court was not quite ready or willing to take the position 
of Judge Caton in the Lovejoy case, that the voluntary 
bringing of slaves into the State makes them free, but 
makes a distinction between temporary and permanent 
residence. These two decisions, together with that in the 
Sarah Borders case, aroused intense feelings and severe 
criticism over the State. The abolitionists did not hesi- 
tate to condemn the action of the court in outspoken lan- 
guage and accuse the judges of proslavery sympathies. 4 

1 4 Scammon, page 461. 

? See full account in Willard's letter to Eastman in "Western Citizen," 
August 24, 1843, and February 22, 1844. 

3 4 Scammon, page 461. 

* "Western Citizen," February 22, 1844. The "Western Citizen," too, in 
speaking of the decision in the Jarrot case, a year later, said, "Hitherto the 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 115 

The "Alton Telegraph" 1 spoke of the decision in the 
Willard case as "in direct conflict with the decisions made 
upon the same question in Massachusetts and Pennsyl- 
vania, and what is regarded now as the settled law of 
the land. The only distinction that was or could be 
drawn between the cases is, that in Illinois slavery to a 
certain extent exists under our Constitution and laws." 2 

The correspondent of the "Chicago Express," 3 who 
doubtless voiced the sentiment of a large proportion of 
the conservative citizens of the States, comments on all 
the cases as follows: "Is it not passing strange that the 
Supreme Court of the State of Illinois should be called 
upon to decide whether slavery exists in the State ? . . . . 
If slavery exists in this State, either under the name of 
apprenticeship, indentured servants, or French slaves, I 
think it is high time to amend the Constitution." 4 Re- 
ferring especially to the cases of Eells and Willard, he 
adds that they were "a solemn warning to abolitionists 
to mind their own business." 

All citizens of the State who sympathized with the 
Southern slaveholders, or who, while opposed to the sys- 
tem of slavery, looked with disapproval upon the theories 
and acts of the abolitionists, doubtless agreed with the 
correspondent of the "Express," and thought that these 
decisions would serve as an effectual check upon the 
efforts of those antislavery enthusiasts to assist escap- 
ing negroes to a safe retreat. But the contrary result oc- 
curred. The Putnam County Antislavery Society passed 

Supreme Court has uniformly decided against freedom when slavery was con- 
cerned; and no tribunal has ever been more servile or subservient to the slave 
power than this Court." .."Western Citizen," February 17, 1845. 

1 A Whig paper, but antislavery in its sympathies. 

2 "Alton Telegraph," February 3, 1844. 

3 A Democratic paper opposed both to slavery and abolitionism. 

* "Chicago Express," February 20. Quoted also in "Western Citizen," 
February 22, 1844. 



n6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

a resolution to the effect that "we are fully determined to 
protect the fugitives. " l The Illinois Antislavery Society, 
at its sixth anniversary, held in Chicago, June 7, 1843, 
elected Richard Eells president for the ensuing year, and 
took the ground, in one of its Resolutions, that by the 
Constitution of the United States, free States are not 
bound to deliver up fugitives, 2 and at the seventh anniver- 
sary of the same society, held at Peoria, in June, 1844, 
the executive committee made a full report of all the im- 
portant fugitive slave cases during the year that had just 
passed, praised the conduct of Lovejoy, Eells, and Wil- 
lard, criticised the decisions of the Supreme Court, and 
urged the right and justice of assisting all negroes to 
escape from bondage. 3 

In addition, assistance was rendered to fugitive negroes, 
even more energetically than before, not only by abolition- 
ists, but also by some of those who were merely antislav- 
ery in sentiment, 4 and the "Western Citizen" took pains 
to herald the escape of every negro as a triumph for 
justice and righteousness. 5 

The indignation which the decisions in the Eells and 
Willard cases had aroused in the abolition camp was 
before long almost completely allayed by the decision in 
Jarrot vs. Jarrot. 6 This was the case of a so-called 
French slave, named Joseph Jarrot, alias Pete, who, 
claiming to be free, sued his mistress, Julia Jarrot, of 
Cohokia, for pay for his past services. 

1 "Western Citizen," February 23. 1843. 
1 "Western Citizen." June 15, 1843. 

3 "Western Citizen," June 20, 1843. 

4 See cases reported in "Western Citizen" on April 6, 1843, November 2, 



6 See the files of the "Western Citizen" for the years 1844-1851, and the 
advertisement of the Underground Railway in that paper, July 18, 1844. 
6 2 Gilman, 1. (.Supreme Court Decisions.) 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 117 

Pelagie, his mother, was bought (at four years of age) 
together with her mother, Angelique, by Nicholas Jarrot, 
of Cohokia, from one Le Brun, in 1798. Angelique, the 
grandmother of Joseph, had been owned and held as 
a slave by the father-in-law of Le Brun, one Joseph 
Trotier, before the United States got possession of the 
Illinois Country. Joseph Jarrot, who was therefore a 
descendant of a typical French slave, was bequeathed in 
the will of Nicholas Jarrot, dated February 6, 1818, to 
Julia Jarrot, the appellee. 

The case was first tried in the Circuit Court of St. 
Clair County, in 1843, before Judge Shields and jury, 
when it was decided that a slave could not sue his 
master for wages. 1 The Supreme Court, however, re- 
versed this in 1844, declaring that "a colored person 
may maintain an action of assumpsit for services ren- 
dered, and in such action his right to freedom may be 
tried." 2 

The court then heard the case and declared that "the 
descendants of the slaves of the old French settlers, born 
since the Ordinance of 1787, and before or since the 
adoption of the Constitution of Illinois, cannot be held in 
slavery in this State." 3 This decision was based almost 
entirely upon the previous judgments of the Supreme 
Courts of Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, and Missouri, 
affirming that the "deed of cession by Virginia did not 
deprive Congress of the power to pass the sixth article 
of the Ordinance of 1787," 4 and that residence in a 
free territory, when the master voluntarily settled 

1 "Western Citizen," February 17, 1845, and "Chicago Journal," February 
1, 1845. 

2 2 Oilman, 1. 

3 2 Gilman, 1. Judges Treat, Thomas, and Shields dissenting. 

* Supreme Court Decisions of Louisiana; 20 Martin, 6gg. Merry vs. Chex- 
naider; tried in 1830. 



nS NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

with his slaves, entitled such negro servants to their 
freedom. 1 

The effect of this decision was most fortunate for the 
negro. It not only admitted him to the right to sue (for 
his freedom) in the courts, but it practically rendered the 
holding of any negro indentured servants within the State 
illegal. For if Illinois was a free State, and if residence 
within her boundaries, when voluntary on the master's 
part, entitled a slave to his freedom, it would then be 
impossible for any citizen of the State to hold an inden- 
tured negro for any length of time in his service. Such 
at least was the interpretation which both the press " and 
people of the State 3 put upon the judgment in this case of 
Jarrot vs. Jarrot, and it was welcomed as a great triumph 
by all antislavery men. 

The Supreme Court Judges, Wilson and Treat, ex- 
pressed a similar opinion two years later, in the case of 
General Robert Matteson. Matteson was a resident of 
Bourbon County, Kentucky, who had taken up a tempo- 
rary residence for several years on a farm in Coles County, 
Illinois, where he had brought and kept for some two 
years a number of negro slaves. A negro woman named 
Jane, with her children, learning that Matteson was about 
to carry them back to Kentucky, left him and took refuge 

1 Supreme Court Decisions of Mississippi; Walker's Mississippi Reports, 
36. Harvey vs. Dexter, 1818. 

Supreme Court Decisions of Indiana; 1 Blackf., 60. Indiana vs. Lasalle, 1820. 

Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; 1 Missouri, 472. Winny vs. White- 
side. 

Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; 1 Missouri, 725. Merry vs. Tiffen 
and Menard, 1827. 

Supreme Court Decisions of Missouri; 5 Peters, 510. Menard vs. Aspatia. 

2 The "Western Citizen," February 17, 1845, spoke of the event thus: "By 
this decision, it is said, the question is fully settled that Illinois is a free State. 
Several hundred persons, including descendants, we are told, have been held 
in slavery in the region of the country, now Illinois, for nearly 60 years." 

3 Mr. Benjamin W. West, a Southerner, still living at Belleville, Illinois, 
told me that his father and he held their slaves, which had been brought by his 
father from Virginia, in their service until the decision had been rendered in 
the Jarrot case. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 119 

in a little settlement of antislavery Presbyterians near by. 
They were eventually arrested as fugitive slaves, and 
through the influence of interested abolitionists the case 
was carried to the Circuit Court of Coles County in 
October, 1847. Here it was decided that, by reason of 
residence in the free State of Illinois, Jane and her chil- 
dren were entitled to their freedom. 1 It was now no 
longer to be doubted that the Supreme Court would 
remain consistently of the same mind as in the Jarrot 
case. 

A few more minor cases and the great problems of 
slavery and of fugitive slaves were definitely settled, as far 
as the courts were concerned. In 1849 the Supreme 
Court decided, in Thornton's case, 2 that sections 5 and 6 
of Chapter 74 of the Revised Statutes of 1845 [or the old 
law of January 17, 1 829, wherein it was provided that 
fugitive slaves would not be allowed to sue for freedom in 
the State, but should be sent back to their masters, or 
sold out to labor 3 ] were unconstitutional, 2 being in direct 
conflict with the provisions made by the Congress 4 for the 
capture and return of runaway slaves. 

In the November term of the Supreme Court in 1852, 
the interesting case of Hone vs. Ammons 5 was decided. 
Hone, claiming the ownership of a negro who was at the 
time at large somewhere in Illinois, transferred by a note 
the said negro to Ammons, a citizen of Illinois, in pay- 
ment of some obligation due the said Ammons. The negro 
was not to be found, and Ammons sued Hone for his 

1 "Coles County Globe" for October; "Charleston (111.) Globe" for October; 
"Western Citizen," September 7 and November 16, 1847. 

2 n Illinois, 332; reaffirmed by Judge Skinner in Adams County Circuit 
Court in 1853; "Free West," December 8, 1853. 

3 Revised Statutes 1845, Chapter 74, Sections 5 and 6; and Laws of 1829, 
Act Concerning Negroes, etc., Sections 2 and 4. 

4 Act of Congress, passed February 12, 1793. 
6 14 Illinois, 29. 



120 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

money. 1 The Supreme Court rendered the judgment 
that "a contract made in Illinois for the sale of a person 
as a slave who is in the State at the time, and to a citizen 
of the State, is illegal and void." 2 

Still another phase was touched upon in the case of 
Rodney vs. Illinois Central Railway Company, 3 where the 
effect of the laws of States from which fugitives should 
escape, upon the condition of the negro in Illinois, was 
discussed and settled. This case came before the Supreme 
Court in November, 1857, and the court was of the opin- 
ion that the laws of other States recognizing slavery can- 
not affect the condition of a fugitive in Illinois, so as to 
give his owner any property in or control over him. 4 

In February, 1 85 3, the Legislature of Illinois passed 
a law forbidding free negroes to come into the State under 
a penalty of a fifty-dollar fine, or sale by county sheriff to 
whosoever would pay the fine and costs of the arrest 
and sentence. 5 It was some years before a test case came 
up under this act. Finally, in January, 1864, the ques- 
tion was decided in Nelson vs. The People, 6 and the 
Supreme Court gave its verdict that the sale of a negro 
under the Act of February 12, 1853, does not reduce 
him to slavery. This is the last word of the Supreme 
Court of Illinois on the subject of slaveholding, or 
the much-mooted question of fugitive negroes within the 
State. 

The Legislature had its last word a year later, when it 
finally arose to the occasion and wiped out from the Stat- 

1 14 Illinois, 29. 
* 14 Illinois, 29. 

3 19 Illinois, 43. 

4 Rodney vs. Illinois Central R. R. Co., 19 Illinois, 43. Opinion read by 
Judge Skinner. 

6 Laws of 1853, February 12. "An Act to prevent the immigration of free 
negroes into this State." Sections 1-9. 
6 See 33 Illinois, 390. 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 121 

ute books the infamous "Black Laws." ' They had been 
legally in force in the State for forty-six years, in spite 
of all petitions to the Legislature and attempts to have 
them repealed, and their final erasure was an outcome of 
the struggle of 1 861 -1865 between the North and the 
South. On the other hand, the Supreme Court, although 
cases were heard on the subject during a period of forty- 
five years, practically decided the question of slaveholding 
in Illinois in 1845, m Jarrot vs. Jarrot, or at the end of 
twenty-six years. 

The abolitionists have accused the Supreme Court of 
subserviency to the "Slave Power." It is, indeed, prac- 
tically impossible to prove such an accusation to be true, 
but it is a fact that several judges who sat upon its bench 
were proslavery in their sympathies. Such were Theophi- 
lus W. Smith, Judge McLean, Sidney Breeze, and Jesse 
B. Thomas, all of whom were Conventionists in 1823- 
1824. It may be true, and doubtless is, that the general 
feeling in the State on the slavery question was reflected 
somewhat in the members of its Supreme Court; and as 
the universal sentiment changed, the sympathies of the 
judges experienced a like alteration. 

When the State as a whole felt little or no interest in 
the condition of the indentured negroes, the court had no 
incentive to declare illegal a time-honored custom which 
some of its members even were practising. 2 But when 
the cry for universal freedom began to shake the State 
from end to end, it was impossible for the judges to re- 
main longer uninfluenced by popular sentiment. So up 

1 See Acts of 1865, February 7; "An Act to repeal Section 16 of Division III., 
Chapters 30 and 72." 

2 Randolph County Records show Jesse B. Thomas as registering- three 
negroes — Fanny, aged 20, on January 27, i8oq; Abigail, aged 28, on August 12, 
1813; and James, aged 27, on June 21, 1814. The first was to serve 11 years and 
6 months, and the last two 30 years. The same Records show Sidney Breeze 
in possession of a negro woman and her infant son as late as August n, 182&. 



122 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

to 1836 we see that all the decisions rendered were pro- 
tective of the indenture system, while the majority of 
those rendered afterwards were destructive of it, in ten- 
dency, and after Jarrot vs. Jarrot, in 1845, every judg- 
ment is on the side of antislavery. 

The period of greatest struggle, however, and of great- 
est triumph for the antislavery advocates, was that from 
1840 to 1845. The contest during these five years was 
serious and stubbornly carried on. It involved talent, 
ingenuity, determination, and perseverance on both sides. 
The abolitionists are to be accredited with stirring up con- 
siderable interest over the State in some of the cases. 
Southern sympathizers and the holders of indentured ser- 
vants in the southern portion of the State were naturally 
considerably concerned in the decisions of the Supreme 
Court. Still there seems to have been no widespread 
interest or universal agitation in the State over this con- 
test in the courts. It was carried on chiefly through the 
benevolence of a comparatively small number of citizens 
who were actuated by a firm belief in the evils of slavery; 
while the brunt of the fray fell to a few able and devoted 
lawyers. 

Among these were W. T. M. Davis of Alton, Nathaniel 
Niles of Belleville, Gustav Koerner of Belleville, and 
Lyman Trumbull. James H. Collins, a noted abolition 
lawyer of Chicago, should also be highly praised for his 
work in the Lovejoy and Willard cases, but to the 
other men the real victory is to be ascribed. They were 
the most powerful friends of the negro, and lived where 
their assistance could be readily secured. They told the 
negroes repeatedly that they were free, urged them to 
leave their masters, and fought their cases in the lower 
courts time and time again, often without fees or remuner- 



SLAVERY QUESTION IN THE COURTS 123 

ation. Chief among them was Lyman Trumbull, whose 
name should be written large in antislavery annals. 

He was a lawyer of rare intellectual endowments, and 
of great ability. He had few equals before the bar in his 
day. In politics he was an old-time Democrat, with no 
leanings toward abolitionism, but possessing an honest 
desire to see justice done the negro in Illinois. It was a 
thankless task in those days of prejudice and bitter parti- 
san feeling to assume the role of defender of the inden- 
tured slaves. It was not often unattended with great risk 
to one's person, 1 as well as to one's reputation and busi- 
ness. But Trumbull did not hesitate to undertake the 
task, thankless, discouraging, unremunerative as it was, 
and to his zeal, courage, and perseverance, as well as to 
his ability, is to be ascribed the ultimate success of the 
appeal to the Supreme Court. 

This disinterested and able effort, made in all sincerity 
of purpose, and void of all appearance of self-elevation, 
rendered him justly popular throughout the State, as well 
as in the region of his home. The people of his district 
showed their approval of his work and their confidence 
in his integrity by electing him Judge of the Supreme 
Court in 1848, and Congressman from the Eighth 
District of Illinois by a handsome majority in 1854, when 
it was well known that he was opposed to the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill. 2 

1 See case of attack on Mr. Whitehead, a lawyer, of St. Louis, who was de- 
fending a negro in a lawsuitiat Kaskaskia, Illinois. "Genius of Liberty," Octo- 
ber 2, 1841. The account of the treatment of Whitehead as given in the 
"Genius of Liberty" seems to have been somewhat overdrawn, according to 
the "Alton Telegraph" for September and October, 1841. 

2 "Free West," December 21, 1854, and all the papers of the State for the 
same month. In 1855 Trumbull was elected United States Senator. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ANTISLAVERY 
AGITATION. 

The contest for a convention in 1 823-1 824 was neither 
a real nor a typical slavery contest — that is, one concern- 
ing that subject per se. There was no thought or dis- 
cussion regarding the existence of the indentured slaves 
within the State. It was simply and solely a question 
whether Illinois should adopt completely the slavery 
system of the South. When this question had been once 
settled by the vote of the people, all discussion in the 
matter speedily ceased, as we have seen. 

Occasional antislavery articles continued to appear in 
Warren's "Spectator," as long as it was issued in Illi- 
nois. 1 This paper soon went out of existence, and for 
the next ten years there was no paper in the State that 
defended the rights of the negro. No special attention 
was given to the subject by the other papers. Nor was 
there any general discussion of the subject attempted by 
any one until Elijah Lovejoy began to publish antislavery 
articles and editorials in the "Alton Observer." 

During this time, copies of Lundy's "Genius of Uni- 
versal Emancipation," 2 Garrison's "Liberator," 2 the 
"Emancipator," 2 and the "Philanthropist" 2 of Cincinnati 

1 "Edwardsville Spectator," November 2, 1824; October, 1826. 

'The 'Genius of Universal Emancipation" was started in Ohio (Mt. 
Pleasant), January, 1821, and was the pioneer abolition journal in the United 
States. The "Liberator" began its career in Boston, in 1831, while the 
"Philanthropist" came into existence in Cincinnati in the early thirties. The 
"Emancipator" was started in New York, later Boston, in 1834, and ran till 
1848. 

124 



ZEBINA EASTMAN 

[From Photograph in Possession of Hon. Sidney Eastman, Chicago) 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 125 

had been received in the State, and the seed of abolition- 
ism sown. The "Liberator" and the "Philanthropist" 
had the largest circulations. All thinking men into 
whose hands such ably conducted papers fell could hardly 
fail to be moved by the earnest appeals of the antislavery 
writers. Here and there able and good men were won to 
the cause, but the abolition following was extremely small 
before 1836. 

It remained for the "Alton Observer" to stimulate and 
unify the scattered elements, and for the first time, to 
create something like a general antislavery sentiment 
within the State. The paper had been running hardly a 
year before the effect of Mr. Lovejoy's work was appar- 
ent, and requests for the formation of a State antislavery 
society began to pour in upon him from various portions 
of Illinois. The final outcome, as has been shown, was 
the organization of the Illinois Antislavery Society, in 
October, 1837, at Upper Alton, with a membership of 
fifty-five. 1 

There were then five county societies in existence, only 
one of which — the Adams County Society — was founded 
before 1837. 2 These five societies — four county and one 
State — might be called Mr. Lovejoy's legacy to the aboli- 
tion cause, for from this little nucleus were to come the 
antislavery agitation and the Abolition and Liberty 
organizations of the future. 

After the death of Mr. Lovejoy there was a tempo- 
rary cessation of effort on the part of the abolitionists. 
Those in Alton were either frightened or awed into silence, 

1 "Proceedings of the Antislavery Convention," 1837, page 5. 

* The five were: 

Adams County Antislavery Society, founded August, 1836. 
Will County Antislavery Society, founded February, 1837. 
Madison County Antislavery Society, founded August, 1837. 
Putnam County Antislavery Society, founded July, 1837. 
Jersey County Antislavery Society, founded in 1836. 



126 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

and the feeling against them generally was known to be 
so great and so bitter, that they felt the necessity of 
proceeding for a time with great caution. 

The "Observer" was reissued at Cincinnati in Decem- 
ber, 1837, and continued with Elisha W. Chester as editor, 
until a lack of funds caused its suspension in April, 1838. ' 
After an unsuccessful attempt to raise the necessary 
capital, the enterprise was abandoned; 2 and the Illinois 
abolitionists had to resort once more to the columns of the 
"Philanthropist" and the "Emancipator." 

The demand for a local paper continued, and in May 
Benjamin Lundy, who had lately been burnt out in Phila- 
delphia, 3 was invited to come to Illinois with his press. 
It was thought that this "nonresistant" Quaker, well 
known for his prudence and moderation, was the only 
person whom the people of Illinois were likely to tolerate 
as an antislavery editor. 4 Yet precautions were deemed 
necessary, and his paper, the "Genius of Universal 
Emancipation," which now appeared to come from Hen- 
nepin, was actually printed in Lowell, Illinois. Its first 
issues were gotten out early in 1839, the second number 
bearing the date February 26, 1839. 5 

Mr. Lundy announced the policy of the journal to be 
"the advocacy of Free Discussion, the Total Abolition 
of Slaverv, and the firm establishment of the Constitu- 
tional, inalienable, and universal Rights of Man. These 

1 See the numbers of the "Observer" from December 28, 1837, to April ig. 
1838. 

• Messrs. Beecherand Hale were sent out to collect money and subscrip- 
tions. Report of the executive committee in the "Genius of Universal 
Emancipation," February 26, 1839. 

3 On May 17, 1838, For an account, see Wilson's "Rise and Fall of the 
Slave Power," page 297. 

••Report of the executive committee, dated October 3, 1838; see the 
"Genius," February 26, 1839. 

6 Number one is not now in existence. Numbers two to twelve, dated at 
Hennepin, may be seen at the Chicago Historical Society's Library. Lowell 
was the postoifice for the hamlet of Hennepin. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 127 

objects are sought to be accomplished by the promulga- 
tion of facts and arguments, by moral suasion, by appeals 
to the reason, justice, and reflection of the people and 
their representatives. A strict neutrality is observed with 
respect to the general doctrine and proceedings of religious 
sects and political parties, under the present organi- 
zation." ' 

Such was the program laid down by this generous, 
conscientious, and noble-minded man, and which he 
carried out faithfully till the day of his death. His sub- 
scription list was very small, and the abolitionists of Illinois 
gave him almost no financial support. So Mr. Lundy — 
laboring often under great disadvantages and almost in 
poverty — had to publish the paper chiefly at his own 
expense. 

Lowell was then a little village of hardly more than a 
dozen houses, lying on the banks of the sluggish Vermil- 
ion River. Lundy 's printing "office" consisted of a one- 
room building about twelve feet square, and made of 
common plank set up edgeways. Here he worked and 
slept. His press was an "old iron half-pattern of Dr. 
Franklin's 'Ramage, ' which had to be pulled twice to get 
an impression of one side of his little sheet." The type 
were worn down, battered with age and use, and filled 
with dried ink of bygone years. His paper was given 
him by Christian Donaldson of Cincinnati, but it was too 
small for his form, so that the columns had to be made 
over to fit it. 

Mr. Lundy was not a practical printer, and suffered 
much at first from incompetent workmen, who finally 
deserted him, leaving him alone with his little boy and 
girl to get out the paper. At length Z. Eastman, accus- 

1 "Genius of Universal Emancipation," No. 2. 



I2S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

tomed to type-setting as well as to the duties of an editor, 
arrived. From the first Mr. Lundy seems to have reposed 
confidence in the young printer from the East. A strong 
friendship grew up between them, and Mr. Eastman re- 
mained in intimate association with Mr. Lundy in the 
publication of the "Genius" until Mr. Lundy's death, in 
August, 1839. 1 

Meanwhile the Illinois Antislavery Society was taking 
definite steps toward the organization of the abolition 
movement within the State. It held its first annual meet- 
ing in Farmington, in October, 1838, and chose officers 
and a board of managers for the ensuing year. Ninety- 
nine delegates were present, representing sixteen Illinois 
counties, and including two representatives from the Iowa 
and Wisconsin Territories. The Rev. Chauncey Cook 
was selected as a travelling agent for the society, and two 
thousand dollars was voted to meet the expenses of the 
coming year. The "Genius of Universal Emancipation" 
was adopted as the official organ of the society, and the 
executive committee was requested to evolve a plan for 
the promotion of the abolition work. 2 

The plan proposed involved the organization of anti- 
slavery societies in every county, which should be auxili- 
aries of the State society. They were to hold quarterly 
meetings, engage lecturers, circulate antislavery pamphlets 
and petitions to Congress, raise funds, and agitate the 
subject generally. In addition, district societies were to 
be formed in every town or neighborhood, which should 
hold their meetings monthly and work along the same 

1 Z. Eastman in "Early Abolitionism," article in the "Chicago Inter- 
Ocean," August 31, 1883; see also article on "Lundy," in the "Chicago Tri- 
bune," June 11, 1874; and an unpublished MS. on "History of Antislavery 
Reform." 

2 Minutes of the convention in the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," 
February 26, 1839. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 129 

lines as the county associations of which they were to be 
auxiliaries. Antislavery newspapers and almanacs were 
to be circulated as far as possible. Great stress was laid on 
individual effort, and finally, a model constitution for district 
societies was suggested by the committee in their plan. 

Weak in numbers, deficient in effective organization 
and working facilities, cramped by great financial weak- 
ness, and faced on all sides by a stern opposition, the 
Illinois abolitionists labored on, hopefully and earnestly, 
to carry out during the year that followed — October, 
1838, to October, 1839 — the proposed scheme of organi- 
zation and agitation. During that time three county and 
sixteen district societies were formed, nineteen in all. Of 
these, nine at least were formed directly by the agency of 
the Illinois Antislavery Society. 1 About three hundred 
and fifty members were added to the ranks of antislavery 
adherents. Of these, some two hundred and sixty were 
won over through the labors of the agent of the State 
society, Rev. Chauncey Cook. 2 

Mr. Cook travelled and lectured during May and June 
in the Rock River district and in Knox, Fulton, Peoria, 
and La Salle counties. His own description of his tour 
gives such a clear and interesting picture of the methods 
employed by the abolitionists and of the reception with 
which their doctrines were met in these different sections, 
that we quote it almost in full. "In my tour in the Rock 
River Country," writes Mr. Cook, "I visited eleven 

1 See file of "Genius of Universal Emancipation," February to September, 
1839; countv societies as follows: 

LaSalle County Society, March 13, 1839. 
Knox County Society, May 13, 1839. 
Warren County Society, March 2, 1839. 
And District Societies as follows: Lyndon, Delaware, Florid (M. E.), 
Hadley, Buffalo Grove, Daysville, Franklin, Bliss's Grove, Princeton, Roches- 
ter, Farniington, Canton, Galesburg, Indian Creek, Big Grove, and Libbon. 

"Report in "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 5, 1835; in Indian 
Creek, Big Grove, and Lisbon, 66; in other places, 200; total, 266. 



13° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

towns, and delivered twenty lectures in the various places, 
generally to large and attentive audiences. A new anti- 
slavery society was formed at Buffalo Grove, and another 
at Daysville, while I was there. I found four respectable 
societies previously organized in that part of the State. 
Some collections were made for the State society in sev- 
eral places that I visited, viz., Lyndon, Buffalo Grove, 
Franklin, Daysville, Bliss's Grove, and Princeton. A 
formidable opposition to my labor was manifested at 
Dixon's Ferry, at the Rock River Rapids, Grand De- 
tour, and at Oregon. All that appeared to be wanting 
in other places was light on the subject, to bring almost 
the whole population on the side of the oppressed. 

"After my return .... I proceeded to the coun- 
ties of Knox, Fulton, Peoria, etc. In this journey I 
visited eight towns and delivered seventeen lectures. I 
found one society at Rochester, in Peoria County, and 
another at Knoxville. At Farmington, Canton, and 
Galesburg I found societies already organized. I made 
some collections at each of these places, and also at 
Knoxville. Returning .... I performed a tour 
through LaSalle County. In that section I visited five 
towns and delivered fifteen lectures. I succeeded in 
organizing three societies, viz., one at Indian Creek, of 
about fifteen members; one at Big Grove, of twenty-five 
members; and one at Lisbon, of twenty-six members. I 
found no opposition, except at Ottawa. There the slave 
has a few genuine friends, but the mass of the people 
appear to wish that his bands shall remain unbroken. To 
the above I may add that about two hundred new mem- 
bers have joined the different antislavery societies, in the 
places I have cited." 1 

1 "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 5, 1839. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 1 31 

We see, then, that the work of this one man amounted 
to twenty-four towns visited, fifty-three lectures given, 
seven Antislavery Societies founded, and two hundred 
and sixty-six members added to the list of abolition fol- 
lowers. It is not likely that Mr. Cook's labors were 
limited to these two or three months, but no record has 
been preserved of any further work on his part that year. 

In addition, the Putnam County society engaged the 
Reverend James H. Dickey, of Union Grove, to make a 
tour of several places in the northeastern counties. He 
endeavored by his lectures to awaken an interest in anti- 
slavery matters among the people and the churches there, 
but met with a very cold reception, the doors of the 
churches and school-houses being generally closed to him. 1 

These results were excellent for so short a period, and 
in the face of so many discouragements, and it would 
seem to have been a most praiseworthy exertion on the 
part of the State society to keep such an agent as 
Cook in the field. But, in fact, the society did not sup- 
port him at all. He was sustained by such voluntary con- 
tributions as he was able to collect in the various cities 
and towns for the cause of freedom, in the name of the 
Illinois Antislavery Society. The society allowed him 
this privilege, being unable to pay for his services. The 
collections were paid sometimes in money, but more often 
in farm produce and in articles of trade. 

This policy was pursued by the State association for 
several years, and as may well be imagined, the agents 
had a hard time to collect enough to live on. 2 Still it was 
a happy expedient for the society, since it had no ready 
means of raising funds for this work in any other way. 

1 "Genius of Liberty," December 4, 1841 (Letter of Dickey to Eastman). 

'See "Genius of Universal Emancipation," 1830. 

"Genius of Liberty," 1840-1842: and "Western Citizen," 1842-1845. 



I3 2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

It was thus enabled to have an agent and to be relieved, 
at the same time, of the necessity of raising funds for his 
salary. The agents were to be like Wallenstein's soldiers 
— self-supporting. There was this difference, however: 
Wallenstein's soldiers lived, for the most part, on their 
foes, while the abolition agents lived on their friends and 
patrons. 

The greatest obstacle which the Illinois Antislavery 
Society had to overcome was the opposition, everywhere 
displayed, to the propagation of abolition doctrines. In 
many localities the subject of slavery, as a great moral 
and national evil, was a new topic; and people had not as 
yet begun seriously to think about it. In other regions 
public sentiment was strongly antagonistic to abolitionism, 
its methods, and its promoters. And in still other dis- 
tricts where the proslavery element was in the ascendant, 
the citizens refused to allow any slavery discussion what- 
ever in their midst. 

Mr. Lundy died, after a brief illness, on August 22, 
1839, and the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," after 
being issued in several different States, 1 closed its career, 
on September 8 of the same year, in Illinois. 2 As early 
as July 5, the Putnam County Antislavery Society had 
urged the State society to assume the expense of publish- 
ing the "Genius," 3 and the executive committee of the 
central organization had talked of it. 4 But nothing had 
been done, and on the death of Mr. Lundy, it stopped for 
lack of support. 

1 It had been printed at Mt. Pleasant, O.; Jonesboro, Tenn.; Baltimore, 
Washington, and Philadelphia. For an account of the life and travels of Mr. 
Lundy. see "Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy,' Philadelphia, 
1847. 

1 After August si, it was continued by Mr. Eastman at the request of the 
subscribers. 

3 "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 12, 1839. 

4 "Genius of Universal Emancipation," July 26, 1839. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 133 

For over a year Illinois remained without a local anti- 
slavery journal, and the abolitionists were again forced to 
use the "Philanthropist" of Cincinnati as a medium for 
their communications. The need of a local paper was 
soon greatly felt. The Illinois Antislavery Society at its 
annual meeting, held at Princeton, in July, 1840, passed 
a resolution to the effect that "the necessities of the anti- 
slavery enterprise most imperatively demand the establish- 
ment of an antislavery paper in this State, and we cordially 
pledge our influence and patronage to sustain it." ' 

But contrary to the hopes of many of the abolitionists, 
the executive committee was not authorized to undertake 
such an enterprise. Nor was anything further done by 
the State society at the time. It was the same story of 
the "agent" repeated. The society saw the need of an 
antislavery paper in the State and wished to see one 
published there, if it were self-supporting, or if some 
one would undertake the risk of it, but it was unwilling 
to undertake such a publication itself for lack of adequate 
funds. 

At length, when it was seen that nothing was to be 
expected from the State society, the LaSalle County 
Antislavery Society authorized its board of managers to 
publish a paper in their name, which should be devoted 
exclusively to antislavery interests in Illinois, "a sufficient 
number of individuals having previously agreed to become 
responsible for its pecuniary concerns." 2 Messrs. Hooper 
Warren and Zebina Eastman were engaged as editors and 
publishing agents. 

Mr. Warren we remember as the former editor of the 
"Edwardsville Spectator," the only antislavery paper 

1 "Genius of Liberty," December 19, 1840. 
8 "Genius of Liberty," December 19, 1840. 



134 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

published in Illinois during the Convention struggle in 
1 823-1 824. He had been engaged in publishing a paper 
in Cincinnati for some years after leaving Edwardsville, 
but was living in Lowell, LaSalle County, in 1840. 

Mr. Eastman ' was the late associate of Mr. Lundy on 
the "Genius," as has been shown. He had managed, 
together with J. A. Tenney, the "Vermont Free Press," 
an independent sheet, published at Fayetteville, Vermont, 
in 1 83 4- 1 83 5. 2 At that time he had thought the abolition 
movement ill-judged and ill-timed, 3 and like Lovejoy, he 
was disposed in favor of freedom but slow in accepting 
the platform of the abolitionists as the sole remedy for 
slavery. The friendship of Myron Holly and the death of 
Lovejoy seem to have contributed greatly toward making 
him an abolitionist. Mr. Eastman was naturally philan- 
thropic, and the negroes in bondage appealed strongly to 
the best in his character. 4 He was a member of no politi- 
cal party, but at the time he began his labors on the 
"Genius of Universal Emancipation," he aspired to see 
formed "a political organization, delivered from national 
apostasy, which should administer the government on the 
doctrine of the Fathers — the natural equality of all," to 
use his own words. 5 

The new paper was styled the "Genius of Liberty," 
and its first number appeared on Saturday, December 19, 

1 Mrs. Eastman told me, in a personal interview, that her husband prepared 
a short obituary sketch of Mr. Lundy, which so pleased the abolitionists that 
they engaged him to continue Mr. Lundy's paper and work. For this obituary 
sketch, see "'Genius of Universal Emancipation," No. 10, August 23, 1839; see 
also "Memorial of Zebina Eastman," page 7. 

2 From June 7, 1834 to February 14, 1835; see file in Chicago Historical 
Society, and "Memorial to Z. Eastman," page 6. 

Mr. Eastman worked at times also on the "Hartford Pearl" and "Peoria 
Register," of which Mr. J. Brown Terrinton was editor, and on the "Amherst 
Gazette." 

'The "Vermont Free Press," July 13, and August 9, 1834. 

4 "Memorial," page 7. 

6 "The Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," page 664. (Old edition of Blan- 
chard's "Illinois.") 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 135 

1840. 1 It was published in Lowell, from the old press of 
the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," 2 of which it 
proved a worthy successor. It bore the same motto at its 
head as its predecessor, and in its prospectus, we are told 
by the editors, "But as the 'Genius of Universal Emanci- 
pation' was always, it will be the object of the publishers 
of the 'Genius of Liberty' to make it the fearless and 
unflinching opponent of oppression in every form, and par- 
ticularly slavery in the United States." 

A section of the paper was also to be devoted to "sub- 
jects that will elevate the morals, expand the interests, 
improve the finer feelings, and give zest and stability to 
the social and democratic relations of the intelligent and 
enlightened freeman, and teach him the better to observe 
and discern an American's rights and duties." 3 To this 
end articles on philosophy, science, political economy, 
agriculture, and on subjects interesting to the emigrant, 
were to be introduced from time to time. This paper 
continued to be issued from Lowell for over a year, but 
in the summer of 1842 the enterprise was transferred to 
Chicago and resumed under a new name. 

The difficulties of supporting an abolition paper in Illi- 
nois at that time were fully realized by the editors. In 
the first issue, Mr. Eastman made an urgent appeal to all 
abolitionists in the State to take the paper, but he espe- 
cially requested the aid of all the friends of the cause in 
the East, without whose support he deemed the journal 
could not be sustained. 

This last bears eloquent testimony to the weakness of 
the abolition forces in 1840. We have no complete infor- 

1 File in Chicago Historical Society, Nos. 1-52, December ig, 1840-April 2, 
1842. 

3 Eastman's "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," page 665. 

a "Genius of Liberty," December 19, 1840. 



I3 6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

mation concerning the results of the efforts of the Illinois 
Antislavery Society and its agents in that year, but the 
little that has been preserved to us is far from encour- 
aging. The Reverend W. T. Allen was then its official 
representative, and his report for the months of Septem- 
ber, October, and November shows at least how universal 
and determined the opposition was. 1 He covered during 
this period the region between Alton and Jacksonville, 
travelling with a horse and wagon, but he made little 
impression on the negro-hating citizens of "Upper 
Egypt." Most of them, he found, were Southerners, 
and some were still slaveholders. Those few who were 
in favor of freedom for the slaves, advocated the coloni- 
zation plan, and did not want any free negroes in the 
State. Negro-hatred was the great sin of these people, 
he claimed. 

Five lectures were delivered in peace in Upper Alton, 
but the Mayor of Alton, on the petition of the citizens, 
caused the trustees of the Presbyterian Church to close 
its doors to Mr. Allen, when he was about to commence 
a series of talks there. At Manchester and Jerseyville he 
was disturbed by mobs; and opposition to his work was 
shown in other places. But at Salem, Collinville and 
Bethel, he was well received. His final summary of the 
conditions prevalent in this district is noteworthy. "The 
great mass of the people in this section," he wrote, "are 
inaccessible on this subject. They will not come to the 
light. But notwithstanding all this, there are many warm 
friends to the slave, and the cause is slowly but steadily 
advancing. This community is very much like a slave- 

1 "Genius of Liberty," June 30, 1841. Mr. Cook seems to have been still 
an agent, according to the report of the committee on funds, at the July meet- 
ing, 1841; but no account of his labors has been preserved. However, we 
judge from this report that lie was still in the society's debt, rather than its 
agent in 1840-1841. "Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 1 37 

holding community The tenacity and strength 

of the people's ignorance are indeed astonishing." ' 

The abolitionists thus early recognized the hopelessness 
of accomplishing much by antislavery agitation in 
"Egypt"; and consequently we find their efforts directed 
hereafter largely to Central and Northern Illinois. 

In the year 1841 we find increasing activities, although 
the lack of sufficient funds was still severely felt, espe- 
cially by the editors of the "Genius of Liberty." On the 
24th of February a special meeting of the Illinois Anti- 
slavery Society was held at Lowell. 2 There was a good 
attendance and the best of feeling animated the delegates. 
Great interest was shown in the topics discussed, and some 
of those present averred that this was the most enthusiastic 
abolition meeting ever held (up to that time) in the State. 3 

Here the ground was taken that slavery was to be re- 
moved through laws on the subject, and therefore, that it 
was inconsistent and suicidal for abolitionists to vote for 
proslavery men for legislative and executive offices. 
Here, too, for the first time, the agitation of the temper- 
ance question along with slavery was discussed. 4 

The society then recommended its executive committee 
to accept the offer of the LaSalle County Antislavery 
Society to transfer the control of the "Genius of Liberty" 
from its own hands to those of the State society, and to 
make that paper the official organ of the Illinois Anti- 
slavery Society. 5 This the committee proceeded to do at 

1 "Genius of Liberty," January 30, 1841, letter from Allen dated December 
7,1840. July 3, 1841, report of the executive committee of the Illinois Anti- 
slavery Society, and also a letter from Moses Lemen, of the "Lemen s Settle- 
ment," near Collinsville. "Genius of Liberty," March 26, 1842. 

2 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841. 

3 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841. 

4 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841, minutes of meetings and resolu- 
tions passed. 

5 "Genius of Liberty," February 27,1841; one hundred and sixty dollars 
was pledged at this meeting towards its support. 



I3 8 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

its next meeting, on July 5, 1 and the "Genius of Liberty" 
bore the name of this committee at its head from July, 
1 84 1, till April, 1842. 

On February 25, the day following the meeting of the 
Illinois Antislavery Society, the same men assembled, with 
possibly a few others, in an Illinois State Antislavery 
Convention. This was the first political State convention 
of antislavery men in Illinois. Here the recent action of 
Congress in regard to receiving petitions was discussed, 
and the question of sending delegates to the National 
Antislavery Convention to be held at New York in May 
was debated. No delegates were appointed, but the 
Reverend John Cross was deputed to convey to the con- 
vention in New York the resolutions of this meeting. 
These resolutions denounced the Congressional action on 
petitions and approved the movement for political unity 
and action among abolitionists, in the interests of which 
the New York convention had been called. 2 

The attention of the Illinois abolitionists throughout 
this year seem to have centred largely upon the two 
topics of petitions to Congress and of repeal of the 
"Black Laws" in Illinois. In the annual report of the 
executive committee, made at the annual meeting in June, 
1 84 1, we learn that two hundred copies of the minutes of 
the last annual meeting, in which both subjects are urged 
by resolutions, had been distributed in the State, and 
that five hundred copies of the form of petitions to the 
State Legislature to repeal the "Black Code" had been 
printed also, and in large part distributed. 3 In addition, 

1 "Genius of Liberty," July 10, 1841. This was held at the Union Grove 
meeting-house. This committee was composed of H. G. Pendleton, Owen 
Loveioy, Chester Dyer, Z. Eastman, Caleb Cook, S. D. Laughlin, R. E. W. 
Adams, H. L. Fulton, J. N. Dickey, James Todd, J. Clark, and \V. Selby. 

2 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841. 

3 "Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 139 

the "Genius of Liberty" urged continually the repeal of 
the "Black Laws," and asked for any information that 
would expose the evils arising from these enactments, 1 and 
in July a petition advocating the abolition of slavery in 
the United States, and signed by seventy-one Illinois abo- 
litionists, was read in the Senate. 2 

The agents of the State society met with increasing 
success in their efforts during this year. The Rev. W. T. 
Allen was the society's chief agent, 3 but in October the 
executive committee appointed Elder Edward Matthews 
an agent for Northern Illinois and Wisconsin.* Mr. Allen 
was not permitted to speak on slavery in any of the 
churches in Springfield, but otherwise he was able to hold 
meetings in most of the places which he visited, without 
great opposition. 5 In the late winter and spring, 6 Mr. 
Allen journeyed into the "Military District," where his 
meetings were well attended, the "interest deep and the 
results most cheering." 

Later he worked in the region near Springfield. After 
the middle of October, he travelled northward to Chicago, 7 
but we have no record of the results of his labors. The 
Reverend James K. Dickey was invited to speak in one of 
the towns in Putnam County, where three years before, 
the doors had been closed against him, 8 and two new soci- 
eties were formed during this period — one in Taswell 
County and the other in Chicago. 9 Early in 1842 two 

1 "Genius of Liberty" for 1841, especially July 21 and 28. 

2 "Genius of Liberty," August 14, 1841. 

3 He began his labors, as we have seen, on September 1, 1840, in "Upper 
Egypt." 

* "Genius of Liberty," October 23, 1841. 

6 "Genius of Liberty," June 5, 1841 (.letter from Allen, dated Groveland, 
May 27% 

"Genius of Liberty," July 3, 1841; report of committee. 

6 Three months previous to April 1. 

7 "Genius of Liberty," October 23, 1841. 

" "Genius of Liberty," December 4, 1841. 

9 "Genius of Liberty," September 18, 1841, and January 15, 1842; Taswell 
County Antislavery Society. 



14° NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

others were organized, one in LaSalle and one in McHenry 
County. 1 

The results of this year's labor are more apparent 
when we look at the increase of the abolition vote in July, 
1 84 1, over that of November, 1840. The gain was 367, 
or considerably more than double the vote of 1840. 2 This 
was a most flattering reward for their efforts. 

The financial receipts of the State society show up 
fairly well on paper at this time, but in actuality they 
were far from sufficient. From November, 1840, to 
April, 1842, the total sum actually received by the treas- 
urer, as far as reported by him in the "Genius of Liberty," 
amounted to $689.49. If we add to this the reported 
collections of the society's agent, Mr. Allen, which were 
$438.36^, we increase this total income to $1,127.85^. 
Then, if we unite with these the reported income of the 
"Genius of Liberty" for the same period, whose manage- 
ment, as we have seen, the society had assumed, the sum 
total of the Illinois Antislavery Society's direct and indi- 
rect receipts reached the figure of $1,405.95^. This 
sounds well for so young and feeble a society, but when 
one remembers that $200 of this was in the shape of a lot 
in Alton, given by C. W. Hunter, 3 and that a very large 
proportion of the balance was paid in produce and articles 
of trade, 4 it is seen that this sum was by no means as 
effective as it appeared. When we consider that out of 
this fourteen hundred dollars were to come the salaries 
of the travelling agents, the support of the "Genius of 

1 Troy Grove, 25 members (LaSalle County); Cold Spring Prairie (McHenry 
County), 33 members; "Genius of Liberty," February 2(3 and March ig ; 1842. 

"Genius ot Liberty," February 27, 1841-Apn] 2, 1842. 

2 The vote in 1840, 160; and in 1841, 527. Most, if not all, of the abolitionists 
lived in the third district at this time. 

3 "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841. 

4 See especially "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841, and April 2, 1842; 
Allen's report. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION 141 

Liberty," the sums for the printing of antislavery pam- 
phlets and tracts, and the cash for numerous incidental ex- 
penses, it is readily apparent that the society's income 
was far from meeting the demands upon it. In point of 
fact, when the society's agents were unable to raise 
enough money for their own support, and were compelled 
to call upon the society for the balance of their salaries, 
it was found impossible to pay them. It was some years 
before this debt was finally discharged. 1 

Meanwhile the "Genius of Liberty" was being carried 
along from month to month on the very edge of bank- 
ruptcy. Editorially it was ably conducted, but having no 
advertising facilities, it had to depend almost wholly on 
subscriptions. This was practically leaning on a "broken 
reed" in those days, when abolitionism and antislavery 
doctrines were unpopular, 2 yet every effort was made to 
put it on a self-supporting basis. Twenty-four persons 
were appointed in February, 1841, as agents of the paper, 
in different parts of the United States, of whom nine were 
in Illinois. 3 In October the number was increased to 
thirty-nine, of whom thirty were in Illinois. 4 

The Illinois Antislavery Society made an unavailing 
effort at the same time, through its central committee, to 
increase the circulation. 5 It soon began to look as if the 
paper would have to be given up. At length, after con- 
sultation with a number of prominent antislavery men, 
especially in Chicago and Will County, it was decided to 

1 Last debt on this score was paid to Mr. Allen at the ninth anniversary of 
the society, held at Princeton, May 21, 1846; and the debts of the society 
cleared up; "Western Citizen," June 10, 1846. 

" Dr. Charles Volney Dyer was the first, and for quite a time the only sub- 
scriber in Chicago. Article on "Dyer" in the "Chicago Times" at the time of 
his death, April 31, 1878. 

3 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, 1841. 

* "Genius of Liberty," October 16, 1841. 

6 "Genius of Liberty," February 27, May 1, October 2, 1841. 



H 2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

remove the journal to Chicago. 1 Accordingly, while 
arrangements were being made to this end, the "Genius 
of Liberty" was temporarily suspended, its last Lowell 
issue appearing in April, 1842. 2 

Besides the labors of the State society, there were 
active efforts to win over antislavery supporters on the part 
of the county and district associations, especially those of 
Putnam and Will counties. 3 Meetings were held at least 
twice a year. Pamphlets and tracts were distributed. 
Subscriptions raised for the "Genius," and antislavery 
sermons were frequently preached by ministers whose 
sympathies for the negro drew them to the side of 
freedom. 

One of the leading features of the antislavery move- 
ment in Illinois is the prominence of clergymen among its 
leaders and promoters. Foremost among them were 
Owen Lovejoy, John Cross, W. T. Allen, Chauncey 
Cook, and James H. Dickey. Moreover, in the whole 
antislavery ranks it would have been difficult to find a 
single adherent who was not at the same time a strong 
religious believer. In fact, the organization had its birth 
in the conviction which seized upon a number of consci- 
entious, sincere, and zealous souls, that slavery was for- 
bidden by the Bible, and therefore a sin. 

This earnest conviction was not long in making itself 
felt. Men conceived it their religious and solemn duty to 
denounce this sin and to plead for its abolition. They 
built up an elaborate defense of freedom upon the teach- 
ings of the New Testament, which they styled the "Bible 
argument." This was used with great effect by many of 
the eloquent antislavery orators in their political speeches, 

1 "Genius of Liberty," October 2, 1841; April 2, January 8, 1842. 
a "Genius of Liberty," number 52, dated Saturday, April 22. 
3 "Genius of Liberty," during year 1841. 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION H3 

as well as by the ministers in their pulpits. Abolitionists 
all over the North were united on the general ground, 
that slavery was a great moral and political evil and ought 
to be abolished. But various opinions were developed as 
to the best means of securing this end. Some were con- 
servative and temperate in their views, while others were 
combative and radical. Still others, with a zeal more 
earnest than prudent, rushed into theories and practices 
that were ill-timed and well-nigh fanatical. The abolition 
forces were therefore soon divided into dissenting sects, 
when unity of spirit and action was most desirable and 
necessary. 

In the East, Garrison, who was completely carried 
away with the moral theory — to abolish slavery through 
the propagandism of immediate and unconditional emanci- 
pation — declared for "no union with slaveholders" in 
Church or State. 1 He did not approve of carrying the 
struggle into politics, 2 which action numbers of the ab- 
olitionists were advocating as the only method likely to 
succeed. Gerrit Smith and his followers believed that 
slavery was unconstitutional, and hoped to see it abolished 
by a decision of the Supreme Court. But they proved 
not unwilling to use the ballot. 3 

In Illinois there were no divisions as yet. All was 
harmony and unity. Her abolitionists believed in the 

1 The division between the Garrison faction and the Liberty party aboli- 
tionists occurred in 1840, when Birney, G. Smith, Wright, Earle, the Tappans, 
and others formed the "Foreign and American Antislavery Society." Wilson, 
Vol. 7, page 288, and Von Hoist, Vol. 2, page 290. 

2 "We deprecate the organization of any abolition political party, because 
it changes the moral aspect of our cause, and is the substitution of a human de- 
vice for a moral instrumentality to extirpate the system and the spirit of 
slavery from the land;'' report of American Antislavery Society, 1837, page 13. 

3 "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," Eastman. Lysander Spooner and 
William Goodell both reached this conclusion through independent reasoning; 
Smith "Free Soil and Abolition Parties," page 98. G. Smith tried to have this 
sentiment adopted by the Liberty Partv at their national convention at Buf- 
falo in 1847, and by the Free Soil Party in 1852, but failed. He had no follow- 
ing to speak of outside of New York. 



144 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

saving power of the United States government, if the 
principles of the Declaration of Independence were once 
thoroughly enforced. In the words of one of their lead- 
ers, "They believed in the necessity of continuing to 
administer the national government on the principles of 
the Declaration of Independence, and that failing to do 
so, all political parties had gone into a state of apostasy. 
The reform in Illinois particularly was propagated on this 
basis. Antislavery men here were trained to be so, on 
the truth of the Declaration of Independence. They were 
never divided or troubled with the divisions that charac- 
terized the East, under the stringent lead of Garrison, 
Gerrit, Smith, or Greely. They fellowshipped with all 
these, but followed the lead of none of them. They were 
working for a genuine Liberty party to administer the 
Government on the Constitution as it is under the Declar- 
ation of Independence as the Magna Charta." ' 

Here the writer is referring primarily to the abolition 
movement in the State before 1848, and to the men 
who formed the Liberty party. His assertions are 
fully borne out by the platforms of the State, county, 
and district Liberty organizations throughout Illinois (as 
we shall soon have occasion to note), as well as by the 
principles which were continually maintained in their 
meetings. 

The beginnings of an agitation attempted by these men 
were not over-propitious. Nor was their organization 
thorough and effective, owing largely to a lack of means. 
But their efforts were earnest, sincere, progressive, and 
their work met with at least one promising result — it 
awoke among the people of Illinois a lively interest in the 

1 Eastman in "The Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," page 663. (Blan- 
chard's "Illinois," old edition.) 



BEGINNINGS OF ANTISLAVERY AGITATION H5 

question of slavery, it started an impulse, vigorous, sym- 
pathetic, and zealous, in favor of the negro and freedom, 
which refused to be silent, and which prepared Illinois to 
assume a prominent role in the great antislavery conflict 
that followed. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE ILLINOIS LIBERTY 
PARTY AND THE FREE SOIL PARTY. 

In 1840 the abolitionists of Illinois cast one hundred 
and sixty votes for James G. Birney, the national Liberty 
candidate for President. 1 This was the first abolition 
vote polled in the State; and in it only twenty-two out of 
eighty-eight counties were represented. Of these Adams 
County ranks first with forty-two votes, Will County 
second with sixteen, and then Bureau, Knox, and Putnam 
with thirteen each. Cook County cast but one ballot. 2 
The great majority of votes were polled in the North, only 
twenty-two having been received south of Springfield. 3 

At that time there was no organized antislavery party 
in the State. Nor was there any systematic or extended 
canvass made to secure abolition votes. It is true that 
an antislavery convention was held in Farmington 4 to 
nominate presidential electors. This was done more from 
necessity — that the abolitionists of Illinois might cast a 
presidential vote — than from any largely prevalent desire 
for a State organization. The scarcity of antislavery 
adherents (and they were widely scattered over the State), 
the lack of funds and of proper facilities for maintaining 
a central organization, the diversity of opinion among the 

' Records of elections, page 302, Springfield, Illinois. 

2 The honor of casting this vote in Chicago lies between Dr. Dyer and 
Calvin DeWolf. 

3 These were deposited as follows: Green County, 3; Jersey, n; Madison, 
3; and Morgan, 5. 

*See Mr. Eastman's article on "Dr. Dyer," in the "Chicago Times," April 
30, 1878. 

.46 




OWEN LOVEJOY 

{From Photograph in Possession of Elijah P. l.ovejoy, Princeton, Illinois) 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES H7 

abolitionists as to the propriety of political action, 1 and 
the lack of a partisan paper, 2 would certainly have pre- 
cluded a State organization for political purposes at the 
time, if it had been attempted. But the effort was not 
made, nor does the question seem to have been even 
thought of seriously. The time was not yet propitious. 

Those abolitionists favorable to political action were, 
however, not idle. As early as September, 1839, the 
Illinois Antislavery Society was urging every abolitionist 
to carry his "abolition principles to the polls" with him. 3 
No definite steps were taken toward political organization 
until nearly two years later, and these only for local 
purposes. 

In January, 1841, an antislavery convention of the 
third Congressional district was held at Galesburg, and 
the Honorable Fred Collins nominated for Congress. 4 
The result of this Congressional campaign, ending the 
following July, was very gratifying to the abolitionists. 
Although they could not hope to elect Mr. Collins, they 
succeeded in raising their total vote in the district to 527. 5 
This was more than double the entire State ballot of the 
previous year, 6 and small as it may seem, it controlled 
the balance of power in the third district. 7 This gain 

1 Mr. Eastman assures us in 1842 that many of the members of the Illinois 
Antislavery Society did not believe in the use of political measures. "West- 
ern Citizen," January 1, 1842. 

- This election came in the interval between the suspension of Lundy's 
"Genius" (September, 1839), and the commencement of the "Genius of 
Liberty," by Warren and Eastman (in December, 1840). 

3 See the resolutions of the Illinois Antislavery Society, published in the 
"Philanthropist," November 26, 1839. 

4 "Genius of Liberty," June 19, 1841. 

B "Genius of Liberty," September 18, 1841. 

8 However, this district embraced nearly the whole of the antislavery re- 
gion of the State. 

' "Genius of Liberty," November 6, 1841, Democratic vote 34,542 

Whig vote 34,188 

Democratic majority 354 



148 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

shows the results of the first political antislavery agitation 
in Illinois, promoted by the travelling agents of the Illi- 
nois Antislavery Society, the county and district societies, 
and the "Genius of Liberty." 

Mr. Collins was the only abolition candidate put in 
nomination in this Congressional election; but the effort 
was a praiseworthy one, and did much toward awakening 
an interest in their cause in the northern part of the State. 

It has been shown in the preceding chapter how the 
first political antislavery State convention was held at 
Lowell, in February, 1 84 1. The committee of corres- 
pondence, appointed at this convention, summoned, in 
February, 1 842, a "Liberty State Convention," to meet 
in Chicago the following May. 1 This May gathering was 
the first real Liberty State convention, and was attended 
by one hundred and six delegates. Cook County had a 
large representation, and a number of Chicago 2 men took 
a prominent part in the debates and work of the assembly. 
Among these latter were Dr. C. V. Dyer, Calvin DeWolf, 
S. D. Childs, J. H. Collins, Henry Smith, and Philo 
Carpenter, and from that time on the "Windy City" 
became the chief centre of the abolition movement in the 
State. 

This May convention adopted the platform of the na- 
tional Liberty party, which had for its central plank the 
abolition of slavery, 3 and added one other issue, the repeal 
of the Illinois "Black Laws." Charles W. Hunter, of 
Alton, was nominated for Governor, and Frederick Collins, 

1 "Genius of Liberty," February 19, 27, 1842. 

2 The Chicago delegation numbered twenty eight. 

3 On this point the platform (as given in an article headed "Address to the 
Electors of Illinois," "Western Citizen," July 26, 1842), reads: "All that the 
power of the government legitimately administered can do — all that its honest 
patronage and indirect moral influence can effect toward the extirpation 

throughout the Union — of all this we are in favor We contemplate 

no invasion of the rights of others." 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 149 

of Adams County, for Lieutenant Governor. A State 
central committee, numbering five, was appointed to 
assume the direction of the coming campaign, and it was 
determined to establish an antislavery newspaper in 
Chicago. 1 

To raise the necessary funds for the paper, it was 
decided to issue a thousand dollars of stock to be taken 
by the subscribers at five dollars a share. Only eight 
hundred dollars worth of stock was, however, subscribed, 
and of this but five hundred dollars was ever paid in. 
Mr. Eastman was engaged as editor, and agreed to keep 
the paper going five years if properly supported. 2 The 
subscription list of the old "Genius of Liberty" was trans- 
ferred to the new sheet, which started with four hundred 
subscribers. By the end of the first year its circulation 
had increased to a thousand, and in 1846 it passed the 
two-thousand mark. 3 

The new paper, the "Western Citizen," soon became 
the most potent force of the Illinois Liberty party. Its 
call for freedom was ever clear, strong, effective. There 
was nothing radical or fanatical in the conduct of the 
paper. Its editorials were conservative, clean, honest, 
straightforward. The editor's heart and conscience kept 
pace with his hand. His policy was always earnest and 
progressive. Ever bold to denounce the moral and politi- 
cal evils of his time, always alert to show up the errors 
and mistakes of his political opponents, Mr. Eastman 
conducted the "Western Citizen" with moderation, jus- 
tice, and integrity, at a period when impetuous partisan- 
ship, insincerity, and unscrupulous political apostasy 

1 "Western Citizen," July 26, 1842. 

2 "Western Citizen," October 18, 1853, editorial; Mr. Eastman's name does 
not appear on the paper till July 27, 1843. 

"Report of Press Committi'e, "Western Citizen," September 14, 1843; 
February 23, 1847; editorial, October 18, 1853. 



150 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

characterized too generally the press of the State and 
nation. 

The policy of the new Liberty party was defined in the 
opening issue of the "Western Citizen." It wished to 
"save this nation from the evils and curse of slavery, and 
from the political degeneracy which has fallen upon us." 
This the party proposed to accomplish by advocating its 
principles with energy and fearlessness, but they wished 
it distinctly understood that their course was "reforma- 
tory and not destructive." ' 

The abolitionists now devoted their energies to the 
promotion of a systematic and complete political organiza- 
tion. The State Liberty party increased steadily in num- 
bers, in resources, and in effectiveness. District and 
county associations were speedily formed in Northern and 
Central Illinois. Liberty nominees were placed in candi- 
dacy at all State elections, and in many district, county, 
and town contests. The first counties to hold Liberty 
conventions and to nominate Liberty candidates were 
Bureau, Cook, Will, Kendall, Winnebago, La Salle, Kane, 
Putnam, Marshall, Fulton, and Knox — eleven in all. 2 
This was in the summer of 1S42. By June, 1846, there 
were twenty-seven counties regularly nominating Liberty 
candidates. 3 

The result of the gubernatorial election of 1842 was 
encouraging. The antislavery vote for governor was nine 
hundred and thirty-one, 4 a gain of four hundred and four 
votes over the abolition ballot of 1841. There were 

1 "Western Citizen," July 26, 1842. 

'"Western Citizen," July 26, 1842. Dr. Smith, in his "History of the 
Liberty and Free Soil Parties," page 57, says there were twenty counties mak- 
ing regular Liberty nominations in 1842, but he gives no authority for the 
statement, nor does he name the counties. 

3 "Western Citizen," June 17, 1846. 

4 Official returns quoted in "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 151 

returns from thirty-seven counties, an increase of nine 
over the previous year, the highest number of votes being 
cast in Adams County. 

The next year (1843) came the Congressional elections, 
and the Liberty men put their shoulders to the wheel again 
with zeal and earnestness. Candidates were placed in 
nomination during June and July in five out of the seven 1 
districts of the State — in the first, fourth, fifth, sixth, and 
seventh. 2 At the invitation of Mr. Eastman, Mr. Ichabod 
Codding came from Connecticut to speak for freedom. 3 
In company with Mr. J. H. Henderson, the Liberty 
candidate for the fourth district, he made an extensive 
canvass of that district. In the course of their journey, 
they met the Rev. John Cross, Mr. Farnum, and Owen 
Lovejoy, who were also engaged in making speeches for 
the Liberty candidates.* 

Ichabod Codding was an orator of considerable power. 
So, too, was Owen Lovejoy. Their eloquent and con- 
vincing speeches did as much toward winning votes for 
their party, as their clean-cut, moderate arguments and 
gentlemanly treatment of opponents did toward populariz- 
ing the antislavery cause. Always in demand, ever faith- 
ful to principles, devoted to liberty, self-sacrificing, ener- 
getic, courageous, and kindly spirited, these men became 
the idols of the Illinois Liberty party, and appear as two 
of the most striking figures on the political stage during 
this period. 

The political canvass of 1843 does not seem to have 
been energetic or organized outside of the fourth district, 

1 By the apportionment of March 1, 1843, Illinois was divided into seven 
Congressional districts. 

2 See "Western Citizen" for June and July, 1843. 

3 Eastman in "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," Blanchard's "Illinois." 
* Letter from Codding in the "Western Citizen," August 10, 1843. 



I5 2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

yet the outcome of the elections was highly creditable to 
the Liberty men. Their total vote cast was nineteen 
hundred and fifty-four, more than double the ballot of the 
preceding year. Returns came in from forty-four coun- 
ties, Kane County leading with a hundred and seventy- 
five. The greatest gain by districts was ; n the fourth, 
where the vote rose within a year from three hundred and 
fifty-three to ei^en hundred and seventy-four. 1 

In estimating the cause of these successes, the work of 
the Illinois Antislavery Society should not be overlooked. 
Between July, 1842, and July, 1843, four county and four 
local societies were organized, 2 and from four to five hun- 
dred adherents acquired for the antislavery cause. Elder 
Matthews a was kept at work in Southern Wisconsin, and 
the Wisconsin Antislavery Society organized at Delavan 
in August, 1 842/ The Rev. T. W. Allen was called 
again into the field and lectured at Magnolia, Springfield, 
Winchester, and Jacksonville. 5 Numbers of antislavery 
tracts also were distributed, but on the whole the work 
of the State society was far from satisfactory. It was 
severely handicapped by a lack of funds and supporters. 
The abolition movement in Illinois had become, after May, 
1842, a political rather than a moral agitation, and the 
Illinois Antislavery Society, although it existed until 1848, 
remained only an adjunct of the State Liberty party. 

The Liberty leaders now thought of replacing the local 
antislavery societies by "Liberty associations," which 
should serve as centres for political agitation. The first 

1 "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843. 

2 "Western Citizen"; the four counties were Kane, DeKalb, Lake, and 
DuPage. 

3 See Matthews' reports in the "Western Citizen," October 7, 14, 21, 1842. 
■"'Western Citizen," September 23, October 31, 1842; and January 18, 1843. 
6 "Western Citizen," August 5, 1842; and Allen s report in the issue of 

February 23, 1843. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 153 

of these associations was organized in Chicago in October, 
1843, 1 and served as a model for the rest. Every mem- 
ber was pledged not to vote for any "slaveholder, apolo- 
gist for slavery," or person who was not committed to the 
cause of freedom, and to use his influence with others for 
the same end. The associations were to meet four times 
yearly, and raise funds for the State Liberty party. Dur- 
ing the next three years fourteen were organized, 2 but 
they never became of vital value to the party. 

In January, 1844, a Liberty State convention was held 
at Aurora to prepare for the Presidential campaign of 
that year. There were one hundred and ten delegates 
present, but only nine counties represented, owing to the 
rough roads and bad weather. It was, however, an 
enthusiastic and harmonious meeting, the members all 
working together in complete unison and sympathy. 3 
Presidential electors were appointed, female Liberty asso- 
ciations approved, three thousand dollars voted for cam- 
paign purposes, and it was agreed that no one should be 
recognized as an abolitionist who did not vote the "Lib- 
erty ticket." 4 "The delegates returned to their homes," 
wrote Mr. Codding, who was present, "in high spirits 
and holy purposes, and with unquenchable enthusiasm — 
their motto will be, Work! Work! Work!" 5 

The campaign of 1844 — Presidential, Congressional, 
and local — was begun early. In February Mr. Codding 
made a very successful tour in Lake County. Large 
meetings were held everywhere, and he was accompanied 

1 "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843. 

5 "Western Citizen," October 12, 1843, to April 22, 1846. 

3 "Western Citizen," February 1, 1844. It was the "largest and best anti- 
slavery meeting ever held in the State," according to Mr. Eastman. 

4 "Western Citizen" (Minutes, Resolutions Nos. 7, 13, 16), February 1, 
1844. $796.28 was pledged and part raised at this convention. 

E "Western Citizen," February 1, 1844. 



154 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

by Mr. William Jones, a free colored man, who told how 
he had been robbed and kidnapped in Chicago. 1 It soon 
became the custom for the abolition orators to take around 
with them on their campaigns former slaves, or free 
negroes whom slaveholders' agents had attempted to kid- 
nap. The stories of these negroes never failed to be 
received with telling effect. 

In the municipal elections in Chicago in March, the 
Liberty party secured one triumph. It elected one alder- 
man — Ira Miltmore — in the third ward. This is the first 
victory of the Liberty party in Illinois, and it was with 
such minor successes that they had to content themselves 
for some years. The returns show, however, that Chicago 
had at least quadrupled her Liberty vote in the year 
1843-1844. 2 

By the middle of March, 1844, numerous counties — 
both those that had organized Liberty associations and 
many that had not — were holding conventions, raising 
money, distributing tracts, holding special meetings, and 
appointing active committees. 3 From May 16 to August 
3 Mr. Codding canvassed and lectured in eighteen coun- 
ties. 4 District conventions were held in the first, fourth, 
fifth, sixth, and seventh Congressional districts, and Lib- 
erty candidates nominated. State Representatives and 
Senators were nominated by the Liberty men in various 
sections of the State, 5 and in spite of the many discour- 
agements, the campaign was pushed strenuously. 

The Congressional election came first, being held early 

1 "Western Citizen," February i, 13, 1844. 

2 "Western Citizen," February 29, and March 14, 1844. 
Vote for Mayor, 1843, 45; in 1844, 193. 

3 "Western Citizen," March 21, April 25, 1844. 

* "Western Citizen," May 0,1844. Will, Woodford, Adams, Fulton, La- 
Salle, Peoria, Hancock, Knox, Putnam, Morgan, McDonough, Warren, Henry, 
Stark, Marshall, McLean, Vermilion, and Cook. 

s "Western Citizen," May 23 to June 27, and September 5, 1844. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 155 

in August. The returns were again encouraging. In the 
five districts where Liberty candidates were nominated, 
the total vote amounted to 3,149 ballots, 1 a gain of 1,195 
over the Congressional vote of 1843. This was indeed a 
flattering increase for one year's work. No Liberty can- 
didate for the higher offices had as yet been elected, but 
in one of the local contests they won this August their 
second victory, by the election of Peter Adams as Justice 
of Peace in the West Juliet (now Joliet) district. 2 

In November the Presidential election occurred, at 
which time the Liberty men of Illinois cast 3,469 votes 
for Birney, the national Liberty party candidate. 3 In this 
vote fifty-five counties were represented, of which ten 
gave Liberty returns for the first time. It would seem as 
if there had been a real gain of three hundred and twenty 
votes by the abolitionists between August and November, 
but this was not the fact. Some gain there doubtless was, 
yet the difference between the Congressional and the 
Presidential votes is largely to be accounted for by the 
fact, that in the former election the Illinois antislavery 
voters were largely influenced by local preferences and 
circumstances, while in the latter contest they voted 
for Birney simply as a matter of principle. The Presi- 
dential vote, then, should show more accurately the real 
strength of the Liberty party of Illinois in 1844. If we 
compare this with the abolition vote in 1 840, we see at a 
glance that the percentage of gain was very considerable, 
— from 160 to 3,469 votes. This sounds large, but when 
we remember that the population of Illinois in 1 840 was 
476,183, it is apparent how very slow the people were 

' "Western Citizen," September 5, 1844. See also table of antislavery votes 
from 1840 on in Appendix. 

* "Western Citizen," September 5, 1844. 

'Secretary of State's Record of Elections (Springfield), page 422. 



I5 6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

generally to accept the antislavery propaganda. The gain 
in abolition votes fell very far short, even of the increase 
in the popular vote during the same four years. 1 

Many men were opposed to slavery, — the larger pro- 
portion of the inhabitants living north of Springfield 
doubtless, — but comparatively few were as yet ready to 
join a political party organized expressly to abolish negro 
servitude. Then, too, the Democrats possessed a major- 
ity of the votes in these years. 2 To these staunch sup- 
porters of "State rights" nothing could have been more 
repugnant than a party which would seem to have been 
organized for the express purpose of forcing the Southern 
States to abolish slavery. The antislavery propaganda — 
political and moral — met thus with so much opposition 
and so little general acceptance that, if things had gone on 
under the then existing conditions, slavery would doubtless 
have been still in existence in these United States. 

In spite of the unpopularity of their cause, and the 
limited number of its supporters, the abolitionists were 
not at all discouraged by the slowness with which new 
recruits were added. They rejoiced over the progress 
already made, and when the time arrived to prepare for 
the Gubernatorial and Congressional elections of 1846, 
they were early in the field with their candidates, and made 
preparations for a more active and extended canvass of 
the State than any they had ever before attempted. All 
the Congressional districts, save the second, held Lib- 
erty conventions and nominated Liberty candidates. 3 

'The increase in the total Presidential vote in Illinois in those four years 
was 14,005; in 1840, 93,013; in 1844, 107,018. Moses' "Illinois," II., page 1212. 

2 The Democratic party controlled all general elections in the State from 
its admission into the Union in 1818 till 1856, when the Republicans elected the 
Governor by a majority of 4,732 votes. Table in Moses' "Illinois," 11., page 1212. 

3 This was one more than in 1843 and 1844, the 3d District having at 
length put a candidate, Elijah Bacon, of Edgar County, in the field. Owen 
Lovejoy was nominated in the Fourth District, and Wait Talcott, in the Sixth. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 157 

On May 20, the Liberty State convention was held 
at Princeton. It was "numerously attended," writes 
Eastman, "and characterized by a noble enthusiasm and a 
brotherly spirit." Richard Eells, 1 of Adams County, was 
nominated for Governor, and Abraham Smith, of Vermil- 
ion County, for Lieutenant Governor. Then the following 
plan was adopted for more systematic and effective work 
in the coming campaign. A central committee of five 
was appointed to have charge of the whole State canvass. 
A committee of three in each county should manage the 
campaign in their respective districts. The county com- 
mittees should appoint committees of three members each 
in every precinct, and the precinct committees in turn were 
to appoint a committee in each School District. The 
county committees must of course be appointed by the 
Liberty county conventions, which should be called for this 
purpose and to nominate men for local offices. The counties 
also were expected to contribute to the campaign fund. 2 

How far this plan was actually carried out cannot be 
completely ascertained at present. A State central com- 
mittee was appointed by the convention at Princeton, and 
did excellent work. 3 It urged the plan of the State Lib- 
erty party on the Liberty men in the various counties, but 
they seem to have been very slow in taking it up. Twenty 
thousand tracts, of which about five thousand were those 
containing the Slave Code of Illinois, were printed and 
distributed by the State committee. A special committee 
of three was appointed by it, to manage the campaign in 
the fourth district. 

1 This is the same R. Eells who figured in the famous case of R. Eells vs. 
the People. 4 Scammon, 498. 

2 "Western Citizen," June 3 and 10, 1846. 

3 "Western Citizen,'' June 3, 1846. This committee consisted of East- 
man, L. C. F. Freer, Philo Carpenter, of Chicago; I. Codding, of Will Countv; 
and M. Pettengill, of Peoria. 



15 s NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

In this same district eleven counties appointed cam- 
paign committees, and it was decided to make a special 
effort to carry this (fourth) Congressional district for 
Owen Lovejoy. Mr. Lovejoy "took the stump" in May, 
and from then till August he was actively engaged in 
making a thorough canvass of the whole district. He 
addressed large meetings everywhere, and in some places, 
like St. Charles, he spoke to assemblies of five thousand. 
Mr. Codding had an equally successful tour not only in 
the fourth district, but also in other parts of the State. 
The "Western Citizen" got out a weekly campaign 
edition, which rose from a circulation of 3,100, on May 
27, to 3,648, on July 14. ! Of these 1,300 were special 
campaign subscriptions. 2 

A second abolition paper, called the "Liberty Banner," 
was started in Rock Island, in April, by C. B. Waite, 3 and 
a monthly periodical, entitled the "Liberty Tree," was 
begun by Eastman and Davidron. 4 In Chicago and Cook 
County greater efforts were put forth than ever before, 
and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. The Chicago 
Liberty Association hired the City Saloon — the largest 
and most convenient hall in town — located on the corner 
of Lake and Clark streets, for six months. Mass meet- 
ings were held there twice a week, and on Sunday night. 
All the prominent abolition speakers of the State, and 
some from the East, made addresses at different times. 
These meetings were enlivened with music, furnished by 
the Liberty Choir and the Chicago Brass Band. 5 

1 "Western Citizen," June i, 10, 23; July 14, 27; April 29, 1846. 

2 "Western Citizen," July 14, 1846. 

3 See the prospectus of the paper in "Western Citizen" of April 29,1846. 
Waite was a voung lawyer of Northwestern Illinois, and thought the State 
would suppori two abolition papers. 

4 This was continued two years. 

5 "Western Citizen," May 6, 1846, and following numbers. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 159 

Cook County was districted, and from one to three 
meetings were held in each district per week. On June 
4, a Northwestern Liberty Convention was held in 
Chicago. There was great enthusiasm manifested, and 
at the evening meeting six thousand are reported as being 
present. Many speeches were made by prominent men, 
including Lovejoy and Codding, and popular slavery songs 
were sung by the choir and audience. 1 

The result of all these efforts was apparent as soon as 
the election returns were made. The Liberty vote for 
Governor was 5,147, an increase of over 1,600, greater 
than the Presidential vote of 1844. The total Liberty 
Congressional vote figured up to 5,220, but the best 
showing was made in the fourth district, where Mr. Owen 
Lovejoy received 3,531 ballots — almost double the vote 
in the same district in 1844. 2 This was so encouraging 
that the Liberty convention of the fourth district, held at 
Elgin, in February, 1847, decided to begin preparations 
immediately "to carry the district in 1848." As an 
effective means of preparation, it was decided to make a 
special effort to elect the local Liberty candidates in 
the August elections of 1847, in Lake, McHenry, Kane, 
De Kalb, Du Page, Kendall, and Bureau counties. A 
committee of three was appointed to have charge of this 
preliminary campaign work. Money was to be raised 
among the various counties to support one permanent 
lecturer. Each county was recommended to name cam- 
paign committees, and subscriptions to the amount of 
three hundred and fifty dollars were asked to sustain the 
tract enterprise for the coming year. 3 

The abolitionists of the fourth district did not long 

1 "Western Citizen," June 30, 1846. 

7 "Western Citizen," September S, 1846. 

s "Western Citizen," February 23, 1847. 



160 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

delay in carrying out this plan. They held two more dis- 
trict conventions that year. 1 They appointed Henry 
Bibb, of Michigan, lecturer, 2 and made Mr. A. St. Clair 
the financial agent and corresponding secretary of their 
central committee. 3 CM. Hawley, of the State Liberty 
Committee, of New York, in company with Lewis Wash- 
ington, an escaped slave, made a tour of Northern Illinois 
and Southern Wisconsin during the months of June and 
July, speaking in all the principal towns. Will, Du Page, 
McHenry, Putnam, Bureau, De Kalb, Lee, Lake, Kane, 
Kendall, Cook, Winnebago, and Whiteside counties made 
local Liberty nominations, and one county at least — 
Whiteside — supported its own abolition lecturer. 

The project was entertained in June of publishing a 
monthly paper called the "Campaign Western Citizen," 
which was to be made up from matter published in the 
"Western Citizen," and to be one-half its size. Mr. 
Eastman reports, on October 27, 1847, the receipt of 
several hundred subscriptions for this paper, and in April, 
1848, its regular issuance had begun. 

The August election at length took place, but the abo- 
litionists failed to elect any of their candidates to the 
higher offices in any of the counties in the fourth district, 
though in Kane County they elected a justice of the peace, 
and a constable in the Elgin precinct. 4 

While the campaign was in progress, another election 
had taken place, which clearly showed how these August 
elections would result. This was the election of delegates 
to the Constitutional Convention of 1 847, that occurred 

1 At Aurora, June 16 and 17, and August o. 

2 Minutes of Aurora convention, June 16; "Western Citizen," June 22, 
1847. 

3 Minutes of Aurora convention, August 9, in "Western Citizen," August 
17, 1847. 

« "Western Citizen," June 15, August 3 and 10, 1847. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 161 

on April 19. In these contests the abolitionists only suc- 
ceeded in electing one delegate. This was Mr. Hurlburt 
Swan, in Lake County, but even this victory was due 
largely to Whig votes. 1 

Hardly were the local elections of August decided 
when the fourth district abolitionists were again in con- 
vention. 2 They voted to raise five thousand dollars for 
the campaign of 1848, offered a thirty-dollar prize for the 
best tract against slavery, resolved to hold County Lib- 
erty Conventions in each county during the fall, and to 
prepare a plan for a general canvass of the district in the 
winter. 3 

The abolitionists of the southern counties were not 
much behind their northern brethren. On October 6, at 
Eden, a Southern Illinois Liberty Convention was held. 4 
Here a committee of ten was appointed to agitate on the 
subject of slavery in that part of the State, to prepare 
for the coming campaign, and to consider the question 
of establishing an antislavery paper in the southern 
district. In addition the Southern abolitionists expressed 
their disapproval of the proposed State Constitution 
(1848), because it restricted citizenship to white persons 
and because of Article XIV., prohibiting free persons of 
color from immigrating to and settling in the State. 
They urged every antislavery man to vote against it. 
These last sentiments were indorsed at the State Liberty 
convention, held in Chicago in February, 1848 5 ; and 
all through this period the abolitionists steadily opposed 
any discrimination against the negro, the Mexican War, 

1 "Western Citizen," May 4, 1847; returns of election given. 

2 On August 9, at Aurora. 

3 Minutes given in "Western Citizen," August 17, 1847. 

4 Minutes given in "Western Citizen," November 2, 1847. 

6 "Western Citizen," February 15, 1848, and "Chicago Journal," February 
10, 1848. 



162 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

or the acquisition of Texas, and advocated the repeal of 
the Illinois "Black Laws." 

The campaign of 1 848 came. The antislavery men of 
the fourth district were the first in the field. In February 
they nominated Owen Lovejoy for Congress, appointed a 
committee of five to manage the campaign, and raised 
three hundred and eighty-eight dollars by subscription. 1 
In April, Mr. Lovejoy "took the stump," and made a 
thorough canvass, while his candidacy was ably supported in 
the "Western Citizen." He was accompanied by James 
Perry, who enlivened the meetings with antislavery songs. 2 

All the other Congressional districts followed with 
Liberty nominations. 3 James E. Burr and John P. Haie lec- 
tured in Northern Illinois during May and June, and in July 
the State Liberty party nominated Dr. Charles V. Dyer for 
Governor and Henry W. Snow for Lieutenant Governor. 4 

Peace had been made with Mexico in February (1848), 
and a large territory acquired by the United States. 
Should this be a free or a slave district? was the vital 
question that now forced itself upon the public mind. 
The South demanded that a part at least should be open 
to slavery, while many in the North did not hesitate to 
raise the cry, "No more slave territory." A fierce con- 
troversy arose in Congress and throughout the country on 
the question. 5 In this, Illinois had her share, and a 
strong sentiment of opposition to the increase of slave 
territory soon made itself manifest — even among the 
Whigs and Democrats. 

1 "Chicago Journal," February 10, 1848. 

5 "Western Citizen," April 18, 25, 1848. 

3 "Western Citizen," April 1, July 4, 1848. 

* "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848. 

s See Von Hoist "Constitutional History of the United States," Vol. III., 
Chapter Vlll., page 348, and following, for a detailed discussion of the situation 
at this time. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 163 

The abolitionists early perceived this growing move- 
ment against slavery extension. The question then arose 
— in the very outset of the campaign of 1848 — should 
they unite with those men who were opposed to further 
slave extension? or should they go their own way inde- 
pendent of all other parties or factions? Already, at their 
national convention, held in Buffalo, on October 20-21, 
1847, the Liberty party had put John P. Hale and Leices- 
ter King in nomination for the offices of President and 
Vice-President. The Liberty men of Illinois were fully 
in sympathy with these nominations, 1 but they showed 
themselves ready to unite with any other party that was 
truly opposed to slavery and its extension, declaring that 
in so doing they in no way retreated from their cardinal 
principle — the total abolition of slavery. 2 

With reference to the Ohio Wilmot Proviso conven- 
tion, Mr. Eastman wrote early in June: "The call is not 
definite on other points than the Proviso, yet it speaks the 
language of abolitionism. If it is simply for the forma- 
tion of a party on the single issue of the extension of 
slavery, we hope it will meet with no more success than 
any other convulsive movements of conscience-stricken 
men. As some of the first fruit of the seed of our sow- 
ing, of course we would not disown it." 3 

Speaking of the resolutions passed by the Barn-burners 

1 Nominations approved by resolution at State Convention in Chicago on 
February 9, 1848, and in State Convention at Hennepin, July 4 and 5, 1848; 
"Western Citizen,' February 15 and July 11, 1848. 

'The Liberty men also, at their State convention on July 4 and 5, unani- 
mously voted "That we hail with pleasure the indications of any advance in the 
cause of liberty by any seceding portion of the Whig and Democratic parties, 
but we can never consent to turn aside from the primary object of our organi- 
zation, the entire abolition of slavery, to amalgamate with any party whose 
highest aim is only to limit its extension." "Western Citizen," July n, 1848. 
Minutes of Convention, printed in full. 

3 "Western Citizen," June 6, 1848. The Wilmot Proviso men met at 
Columbus on June 22, nominated the same candidates as the Liberty party had 
done in October, 1847, and called a general antislavery convention at Buffalo 
for August 9, 1848. 



164 



NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 



of New York in their convention at Utica, on June 23, 
"We have not indorsed them, nor shall we do so. If 
they are honest in their antislavery professions, and shall 
come nobly up to the platform of aggressive antislavery 
political action, so far as such action may be constitutional, 
we will not insist, as a test of our co-operation with them, 
that their views as to what may be constitutional shall 
come up to ours, who have been there fifteen years, 
closely studying this subject." ' 

While the Liberty men of Illinois were not ready to 
indorse the action of the New York Barn-burners, they 
approved in general the step which the latter had taken 
against slavery. They hoped there would be a union of 
the Ohio and New York liberals in the coming Buffalo 
convention in August, and felt that all antislavery advo- 
cates — Wilmot Proviso partisans, Barn-burners, Liberty, 
or Free Soil men — should unite to bring this convention 
up to the highest and purest antislavery standard. 2 It 
was the earnest belief that each faction should come pre- 
pared, in all sincerity and loyalty, to surrender party ideals 
and distinctions, for the sake of principle and union. 3 

On July 4-5, 1848, the Liberty party of Illinois held a 
State convention at Hennepin to discuss the matter of 

1 "Western Citizen," July 4, 1S48. The "Barn-burners" or Free Soil Demo- 
crats of New York State had bolted from the Democratic National Convention 
at Baltimore on May 22, 1848; and held this convention at Utica, June 23, where 
they nominated Van Buren for the presidency. In August they joined with the 
Liberty men in the antislavery convention at Buffalo. 

2 Editorial in "Western Citizen," July 4, 1848. "All should unite in bring- 
ing that meeting (Buffalo convention) up to the proper standard." And 
"Western Citizen," June 27, 1848, where the editor urges union of Ohio lib- 
erals and New York Barn-burners; and "The time for a death struggle seems 
to have come, and if the advance of the enemy is not brought to a stand at 
this point, we very much fear for the consequences — not that slavery will 
ultimately triumph, but that the struggle will be indefinitely postponed. 

3 Minutes of meetings at Bristol, Warrenville, and Roscoe, in "Western 
Citizen," July 11, 1848, in first of which it was resolved: "That we here to day 
(June 2g) lay aside all party preference, and unite on the platform of Kree Soil, 
Free Labor, and Free Men, Equal Representation, and constitutional opposi- 
tion to slavery." "That party names were things of no importance, principles 
and objects alone were to be tenaciously adhered to." (McClellan's Report of 
the State Liberty Convention at Hennepin, July 4-5.) 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 165 

sending delegates to the Buffalo convention. By unani- 
mous agreement nine delegates were appointed to repre- 
sent the State, 1 to defend the principles of the Liberty 
party, and to "induce if possible that convention to con- 
firm the nomination of John P. Hale and Leicester King." 
In the discussion which ensued in the Hennepin con- 
vention, as to what instructions should be given to the 
Illinois delegates, considerable difference of opinion was 
shown to exist as to the exact part the Liberty men should 
play in the Buffalo convention. On the whole, the major- 
ity wished to be conservative. They would not pledge 
themselves under any circumstances to give up their 
national candidates, or to unite on any platform which 
should seem to them to contain any departure from the 
cardinal principles of the abolitionists. There was a dis- 
agreement as to what interpretation of the principle — 
"Constitutional opposition to slavery" — should be main- 
tained at the Buffalo convention. 2 "For," wrote Mr. 
McClellan, assistant editor of the "Western Citizen," 
who was present at the Hennepin convention, "a jealousy 
for the integrity of our principles led a portion of the 
convention to urge an expression of all the various modes 
of constitutional legislation against slavery, which the 
Liberty party have come to apprehend as indispensable to 
co-operation, while another portion were content with the 
adoption of the broad principle of all constitutional legis- 
lation against slavery, leaving the various applications of 
this principle to be learned by those who do not yet fully 
comprehend them, hereafter." 3 

'These delegates were Chas. V. Dyer, of Cook County; O. Lovejoy, of 
Bureau County; C. W. Hunter, of Madison County; Luke Hale, of Kane 
County; Lucius H. Parker, of Knox County; J. H. Collins, of Cook County; 
Moses Petting-ill, of Peoria County; John Cross, of Lee County: J. McClellan, 
of Cook County. 

* Minutes of Convention in "Western Citizen," July 11, 1843. 

'Report in "Western Citizen," July 11, 1848. 



1 66 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

So there were no instructions given the delegates on 
this point. Nor was any definite platform outlined which 
the Liberty representatives should stand by and insist 
upon. In one point alone was there general unanimity. 
This was that their delegates should refuse to concur in 
any platform which limited itself to the mere shutting up 
of slavery within the existing slave States. "But," writes 
McClellan, "for co-operation with the proposed Buffalo 
convention on the single issue of the Wilmot Proviso, and 
contemplating no future action against slavery, where it now 
exists, there was no single advocate. It was believed that 
every honest Wilmot Proviso man could have no objection 
to pledging all other constitutional legislation against slav- 
ery, while the Liberty party by merging themselves in an- 
other organization which did not contemplate doing its work 
would prove recreant to the great object of its mission." 

In July the Illinois Liberty delegates set out for the 
Buffalo convention. Among the nine representatives was 
Mr. Eastman of the "Western Citizen." The journey 
was made chiefly by boat around the Great Lakes. 

The result of the August convention at Buffalo is well 
known. It was a complete victory for the Free Soil advo- 
cates. Van Buren was nominated for President, and 
Charles Francis Adams was named for Vice-President. 
A new antislavery organization, called the Free Soil party, 
was organized on a platform which met with the universal 
approval of all the delegates — Barn-burners, Conscience- 
Whigs, and Liberty men alike. 1 

1 Eastman in "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848. See also Joshua Leav- 
itt's letter in the same issue. Leavitt was one of the committee of four 
especially delegated to secure the nomination of Hale and Kingat Buffalo. 
He writes: "The Liberty Party of 1840 is not dead. It has expanded into the 
great Union Party of Free Democracy in 1848. What have we lost' Not one 
of our principles, not one of our arms, not one of our men. Let John P. Ha e 
stand as he stood in the Senate of the United States: he is young enough to 
abide his time, and we could not spare him to be elected President now. We 
have gained everything, lost nothing." 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 167 

The main points in this platform were : the declaration 
that the Federal Goverment must exert itself to abolish 
slavery everywhere within the constitutional limits of its 
power; the demand that Congress should prohibit slavery 
by law in all territory then free — especial reference being 
made to Oregon, Californi-a, and New Mexico; and the ready 
acceptance of the "issue of the Slave Power, more slaves 
and more slave territory, ' ' to which their "calm but final an- 
swer" was "No more slaves — no more slave territory." ' 

This platform was accepted with readiness and enthu- 
siasm by the Libertymen of Illinois. Eastman commented 
on it as follows: "We have raised the new banner of the 
Liberty party — Free Soil and Free Men — and on that 
banner we have placed the names of Van Buren and 
Adams They are for a total divorce of the gov- 
ernment from slavery, and an antislavery administration. 
.... This is all in the platform of the Liberty party. 
The Liberty platform has been adopted by the Free Soil 
party and its nominees. Hence we have gained all this — 
with all the good, intelligent, and the honest of all other 
parties to aid us. We are all brethren together. We 
forget the past. We forgive as we hope to be forgiven. 
.... We were shut between two mountains, with a 
cloud of darkness before us and a pillar of fire behind, 
and knew not which way to turn — but lo! in a day, in an 
unexpected way, deliverance came. Fraternity was 
offered us. Help from the good of all parties is offered 
if we but receive them on equal terms." A new principle 
had been established — "Union without compromise — 
Fraternization." 2 

Such were the rosy colors in which the abolitionists of 

1 See platform in Hopkins's "Political Parties in the United States," Appen- 
dix A; also "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848. 
= "Western Citizen," August 22, 1848. 



168 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Illinois viewed the new "Union" party. They expected 
great results from this fraternization; but they did not 
have to live many months more before they realized how 
thoroughly they had been mistaken. They then saw that 
the union had never been a real one. It was one of policy 
and of heart rather than of principle. It existed more 
on paper and in the enthusiasm of the delegates assembled 
in Buffalo than in any genuine drawing together of the 
different antislavery organizations for the definite and 
determined purpose of exterminating slavery, as the abo- 
litionists believed and hoped. 

The abolitionists gave up with reluctance their candi- 
dates and their party organization for the common good. 
They received for this sacrifice only good words, fair 
promises, and an imperfect and unsatisfactory party 
organization. The Free Soil men were not aggressive 
enough in action, nor definite enough in purpose, to suit 
the Liberty men. The majority of the Free Soil advo- 
cates were not yet ready to enter, as were the abolitionists, 
upon a universal crusade against slavery, that should 
never cease till its object had been accomplished. They 
had not been sufficiently aroused on the subject. It is 
true they threw up their hats and shouted with the Lib- 
ertymen, "No more slavery!" but if it could then have 
been limited strictly to the slave States, these Free Soil 
supporters would have been quite satisfied and ready to 
rest, for the time at least, from their labors. Nationally 
the union had its advantages, but locally (in Illinois) it 
proved a grave error, and gave the antislavery movement in 
our State, as we shall soon see, a setback for several years. 

However, in August, 1 1848, all was enthusiasm in Illi- 

1 "Chicago Journal," July 17, 31. 1848; "Western Citizen," July II, 1848; 
"Alton Telegraph " July 28. 1^48. Popular demonstrations in favor of Free Soil 
had begun in Illinois, especially in the northern part, early in July. Union meet- 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 169 

nois for the new Free Soil party. On the 21st the "Chi- 
cago Free Soil League" was formed to promote the prin- 
ciples of the Buffalo convention. Its meetings were held 
every Saturday night. On the following day a great 
mass meeting of from twelve hundred to two thousand 
people was held in the Public Square. A wooden stand 
had been erected for the use of the speaker; and amid 
considerable enthusiasm, the platform of the Free Soil 
party and the nominations of Van Buren and Adams were 
ratified. 1 

Similar confirmation meetings were held throughout 
the State. 2 A "State Convention of Free Democracy" 
was held in Ottawa on August 30, where the expressions 
in favor of Free Soil and Van Buren were unanimous. 
The name Liberty party was no longer heard. Every- 
thing was Free Soil now. The "Western Citizen" began, 
in this same month, the publication of a weekly campaign 
paper, entitled the "Free Soil Banner," which proved a 
fair success. 3 

But the "Citizen" was no longer the only antislavery 
paper of influence in Illinois. A daily Free Soil paper 
was started in Chicago; and a number in the country 
were speedily begun, or took up the support of this plat- 
form, so that long before the campaign was ended there 
were fifteen papers promoting the Buffalo convention 
doctrines. 4 

ings were held in Kendall, DuPage. Winnebago, and Lake counties, and at 
Alton. Cook and Lake counties nominated Independent Free Soil (local) 
candidates; and in all the meetings resolutions advocating a Free Soil presi- 
dential candidate and platform were passed. 

1 "Western Citizen," August 29. 1848, and following issues. 

"Canton, August 24; Savannah, August 24; Belvidere. September, 26; 
Sycamore, September $; Rockford, September 16; Hennepin, August 26; 
Lowell, September 9; etc. 

3 "Western Citizen," August 29 and October 3, 1848. 

♦See Eastman on the history of "Western Citizen," in editorial entitled 
"Last Words." "Western Citizen," October 18, Vol. XI., No. 52 This Chicago 
paper was "The Chicago Tribune," founded on July 10, 1847, to agitate the 



170 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The campaign of 1848 was waged energetically in other 
ways throughout the State of Illinois. Free Soil societies 
or organizations were formed in many counties. 1 Free 
Soil or "True Democracy" meetings were held throughout 
the centre and north of the State. There seems to have 
been a general feeling of enthusiasm and confidence among 
the antislavery men throughout the whole of Illinois. 2 In 
Chicago, large and enthusiastic political meetings were 
held almost every evening. No previous campaign seems 
to have equalled this in energy, in the variety of agencies 
used, or in popular interest. 

In order to draw votes from the other parties, and to 
prove that their party was really interested in the general 
national welfare, the Free Soil party in Illinois, following 
the lead of the National party, put several planks — other 
than that of constitutional opposition to slavery — in their 
platform for 1848. This was the first time other political 
issues had been recognized by the abolitionists of this 
State. 3 Those now entered were, the granting of the 
public domain in limited quantities to actual settlers, free 
trade, abolition of the franking privilege, cheap post- 
age, the improvement of our harbors, and the election of 
United States officers by a direct vote of the people. 4 

This did not help them greatly. In fact, all their 

principles later adopted by the Republican party. Andreas, "History of Chi- 
cago." Vol. 1.. page 401, and following: 

Among these country papers were: "Lake County Chronicle." "Peru 
Telegraph," "Alton Telegraph," "Bureau County Advocate," Princeton; 
"Lockport (Will County) Telegraph," "St. Charles Patriot," "Free Press," 
Rockford; "Quincy Tribune," "Alton Monitor," "Western Mercury," Geneva; 
and 'Chicago Staats-Zeitung." 

1 Those specifically mentioned in "Western Citizen" were De Kalb County, 
Vermilion County, Brown County, Winnebago County, Kane County, Kendall 
County, McHenry County, Bureau County, La Salle County, etc. 

2 See the numerous letters from many sections of the State, quoted in 
"Western Citizen" for September iq and September 26. 1848, all of which speak 
in most hopelul terms of prospects for the elections of 1848. 

3 With the possible exception of the Temperance issue. 

*Owen Lovejoy's letter dated Chicago, July 15, 184S, defining platform of 
his party. "Western Citizen," July 18, 1848. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 171 

efforts to secure an increased vote in the local elections 
were rendered futile by the action of the Whig party of 
Illinois. The effect upon the national vote is not so ap- 
parent, because Van Buren was more popular with all 
classes of antislavery men than either Taylor or Cass. 

The Whigs of Illinois early in this campaign took a 
stand against the extension of slavery in the United 
States. 1 The Fourth Congressional District raised as its 
war-cry, "Scammon and Free Soil." 2 And it was not 
long before every District and County Whig convention 
had declared itself for Free Soil. 3 Consequently, every 
local and eveiy Congressional Whig candidate ran upon 
a platform in which Free Soil was a prominent plank. 
This created, so to say, two Free Soil parties in the State. 
The Free Soil party proper (or old Liberty party) formed 
an extreme antislavery body, while the Whig party became 
a moderate antislavery organization. 

The result was one which redounded to the glory of 
the Whigs. By the adoption of a Free Soil plank, they 
not only stole much of the Liberty men's thunder, but 
retained within their own ranks many antislavery Whigs 
who otherwise would most certainly have joined the Free 
Soil party. 

The Democrats of Illinois tried to hedge also, but with 
far less success. They were known as the party which 
was responsible for the Mexican war, and which was 
staunch in its support of the rights and claims of the 
Southern States. In the main, they made no pronounced 
denial of the accusation that they were favorable to the 

1 The "Chicago Journal" wrote on February 17, 1847: "They [the Whigs of 
the Fourth District] are opposed to the further extension of slavery because 
they consider the 'peculiar institution' a blighting curse upon the country." 

2 "Chicago Journal," during July and August, 1848. J. Young Scammon 
was the Whig Congressional nominee of Fourth District. 

3 See "Chicago Journal," April 10-17, 1848. 



I7 2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

opening of the new Territories to slavery. 1 But in the 
northern part of the State — notably in Chicago 2 and Cook 
County 3 — they expressed themselves as opposed to the 
extension of slavery. 4 

This stand doubtless exercised a restraining influence 
upon some of the old "Loco-Focos" with antislavery 
sympathies in the northern counties, who might otherwise 
have bolted the ticket. In these northern counties, the 
feeling of opposition to slavery extension was so strong 
among the Democracts that, in the Presidential contest, 
many cast their votes for Van Buren. But the majority 
remained by the party in the local elections, largely be- 
cause their nominees — such as Wentworth, Maxwell, and 
Sherman — declared themselves favorable to Free Soil. 

Thus were the abolitionists robbed of the hoped-for 
vote of the moderate antislavery men. The chief object 
of their union with the Free Soil party remained for them 
a delusion and a snare, since very few of the purely Free 
Soil advocates in Illinois ever joined hands with them. 

In this connection, the vote of 1848, State and Na- 
tional, is helpful. The official vote for Van Buren, the 
Free Soil candidate for President, in Illinois was 15,702. 
This was a gain of 12,233 in I0Ur years, or over four 

1 The "Chicago Journal" denounces the Democrats throughout this cam- 
paign as opponents of nonslavery extension, and on February 9, 1848, quotes 
their paper, the "State Register," as saying that it is 'hostile to the principles 
ol the Wilmot Proviso." 

The Democratic State Convention, however, issued a "Circular to the 
Northern Democrats of Illinois," in which they made a point of Cass's opposi- 
tion to the extension of slavery. 

2 At the "Grand Democratic Rally" for Cass in Chicago, on July 10, a reso- 
lution was passed "That while we deprecate the existence of slavery in our 
country, and are opposed to its further extension," etc. "Chicago Journal," 
July 11, 1848. 

3 See same sentiments in the Cook County Democratic convention in July. 
"Chicago Journal," July 13,1848. 

4 See letters of two Democratic Congressional nominees, P. Maxwell and 
F. C. Sherman, on subject; "Chicago Journal," July 13, 1848. And [. Went- 
worth's speech as to his position (antiextension.) "Chicago Journal," February 
17, 1848. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 173 

times the vote of 1844-' This shows that the union of 
the Liberty men and the Free Soilers resulted in a great 
gain in Illinois on the national ticket. But this was on 
the national ticket alone— as the other returns show. 
This was due in large part to accessions from the Whig 
forces, because, as the "Chicago Democrat" prophesied 
early in the campaign, "The antislavery Whigs will never 
vote for a man who holds slaves." Since Taylor was 
known to be a slaveholder, the antislavery Whigs of Illi- 
nois—ever loyal to Henry Clay— scratched his name and 
voted for Van Buren. Further union with the Free Soil- 
ers they did not make, but voted, as for the rest, the 
straight Whig ticket. 2 

The antislavery vote for Governor was 4.748, or about 
400 less than two years before, and in the fourth Con- 
gressional district— the stronghold of abolitionism— Mr. 
Lovejoy received only 2,872, as against 3,531 P olled for 
him in 1846. In the same district, the Whigs, running 

« It was about three times the Liberty vote of 1846, wnich was 5.147- 
' A considerable number of votes were no doubt given to Van Buren by the 
Free SoSSf Northern Illinois, but it is by no means clear to us that 
the « W 7M were "drawn almost entirely from .the, Democratic ranks, as Dr. 
^mitn'asserts in "Liberty and Free Soil Parties," page i|6. The Democratic 
Residential vote of 1848, fell behind that for Governor in 1846 by only 2,400. ; and 
lacked bu 1,620 voes of the Democratic Presidential ballot of 1844. ^ these 
m.r vears (1844-1848) the Democratic majority decreased 0,130 votes while the 
Wh I vote increased 7 510. The difference between these figures is 1,620 votes 
oMhe exact decrease n the Democratic popular vote. These 1,620 votes must 
then have been gfven to the Free Soil candidate. Now the total increase in the 
nonular vote of 1848 over 1844 was 18,103 ballots. But a glance at the Whig 
fpTrns for i8io 184° 1844 and 1846. shows that the Whig party in I lhnois was 
decreasing in numbers rather than increasing. Therefore the gam of 7.519 
votesln 1848 was probably not natural, but must have accrued from Demo- 
cratic forces This is seen more forcibly when we remember that in he Fourth 
district ih falling off of Wentworth's majority in 1848 accrued to the advan- 
tage^ the W& Scammon, and not to Lovejoy, Free Soil. Con- 
sen uentlv some 7 5io Whig votes must have been cast for Van Buren; 
otherwise the Whig gain would have been 14.000 instead of 7,000 If' wesub- 
• tract the Whig gain of 7,510 and the Free Soil gain of 1,620 (all. from .the 
Den ocrats)trom the total ncrease of votes 18,103. we have a total gam of b 964 
for "he 'Free Soilers which came from some source not now clearly ascertainable 
But did theynot receive the 7.000 (or thereabout) votes from he VVh.gs? 
This would leave them a natural gain of about 2000 vote f: P° s ^' c y ^Jf. 
2,000 were votes that ordinarily would have gone tor t he Democrat c canai 
date If so, the Free Soilers would have received in 1848 approximately 3,000 
Liberty 4,000 Democratic, and from 7,500 to 8,000 Whig votes. 



174 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Mr. Scammon on a Free Soil plank, made a gain of 2,273 
votes over their ballot two years previous. 1 

In all the State elections 2 the Democrats were, as 
usual, victorious. The Whigs made no nomination for 
Governor, thinking it would prove a useless expense. 
The Democratic nominee, Governor French, was conse- 
quently elected without serious trouble, receiving 67,453 3 
votes. All the Congressional contests, save that in the 
Galena District, resulted favorably to the Democrats, 4 
giving them six out of seven Representatives chosen in 
the State. In the elections for Supreme Court judges 
the three chosen were all Democrats. 5 So it is evident 
that in the State elections, both Democrats and Whigs — 
even though antislavery in sympathy — remained faithful 
to their old parties. All that the Liberty men got out of 
the so-called Union, True Democratic, or Free Soil 
party was a large increase in their Presidential vote. 

This could have availed them but little, since it was a 
foregone conclusion that the Free Soilers w T ould not carry 
the State for Van Buren, while, where they greatly 
needed help — in the local contest — none was forthcoming 
for them. The result, consequently, of the 1848 election 
was most disappointing to the antislavery leaders. The 
Liberty party organization, which had been held partially 
intact 6 during this campaign, fell to the ground almost 
immediately. The abolitionists were left without political 

1 "Chicago Journal," September 12, 1848. 

* In 1848 there were four general elections in Illinois, (i) Election of State 
officers in August; (21 election of judges on first Monday in September; (3) on 
the adoption of the new constitution on March 6; and (4) Presidential election 
in November. But the constitution of 1848 placed all on the same date there- 
after, the first Tuesday after first Monday in November. 

3 Moses, II., page 560. Tabular statement of official figures. 

4 Colonel E. D. Baker, Whig, elected. Moses, II., page 561, for vote. 

6 Those elected were John D. Caton, Northern District; Samuel H. Treat, 
Central District; Lyman Trumbull, Southern District. 

8 Held together in part until the State elections in August, 1848. 



ILLINOIS LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES 175 

organization, although they belonged practically to the 
new Free Soil party. Their leaders lost heart, and for 
the first time since the antislavery movement was inaugu- 
rated, were utterly discouraged. Hard times, incident to 
a failure of the fall crops, came upon the whole State. 
The abolitionists suffered with the rest. They were poor 
enough generally, since the greater proportion of their 
constituency was to be found among clergymen, farmers, 
and small tradesmen. Consequently, the momentary 
financial distress bore most heavily upon the abolitionists 
and their party. 

The "Western Citizen" lost much of its prestige and 
patronage, on account of the establishment of the numer- 
ous Free Soil papers during the campaign of 1848, and 
this, together with the losses incident to the financial 
depression of the next two years, so injured the enterprise 
that it never regained its wonted influence and patronage 
in the State. Its editor was compelled to drum up his 
own collections, and — this proving vain — to raise the 
necessary funds for its continuance, by means of job 
printing, advertising, the steam-power press, and other 
forms of mechanical labor. 1 

The Free Soil movement had not met with much 
genuine popularity in the State. There had not been 
sufficient time between the Buffalo convention in August 
and the fall election for the position of the new party to 
be clearly defined and its organization completed. The 
results of the campaign were so discouraging that all effort 
to continue the organization ceased. No attempt was 
made by the abolitionists to coalesce with other parties. 2 

1 Eastman in an editorial reviewing these days, entitled "Last Words," in 
"Western Citizen," October 18, 1853. Vol. XL, No 52. 

2 "Western Citizen," April 24, 1849, editorial on "Union of Free Soil and 
Democratic Parties." 



176 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Leadership seemed wanting, and for almost two years, no 
definite steps were taken to complete the organization of 
the new party. 

Thus the old Liberty party reached its palmiest days 
and disappeared in the movement incident to the forma- 
tion of a new antislavery party. Its self-sacrifice met 
with but poor returns at first, while the beginnings of the 
new party were far from propitious; yet many of its lead- 
ers and constituents lived to realize that their sacrifice had 
not been in vain. 



CHAPTER XI. 

FREE SOIL, FREE DEMOCRATIC, AND 
REPUBLICAN PARTIES. 

1848-1856. 

The period from 1849 to 1 85 1 was a time of disinte- 
gration and depression in the Illinois antislavery forces. 
The Free Soil organizations, called into being during the 
contest of 1848, dissolved as soon as it was over. Nearly 
all the Free Soil papers ceased to exist. All effort to 
hold the new party together seems to have died out; and 
the leadership of the antislavery movement went begging. 1 
In some districts — like Kane County — there was a ten- 
dency to revive the old Liberty party, but this plan, opposed 
by Mr. Eastman and other leaders, was soon abandoned. 2 

One important result of the Free Soil campaign of 1848 
now became apparent. A universal sentiment of decided 
opposition to the further extension of slavery had been 
born in Central and Northern Illinois, and was shared 
alike by Free Soilers, Whigs, and Northern Democrats. 
In fact, each party claimed this as one of its own 
distinctive principles. This was noticeable as early as 
January, 1849, when all three parties contributed to the 
passage, through the General Assembly, of a resolution 
approving the Wilmot Proviso. 3 Antislavery, Whigs, and 

•"Western Citizen," April 24, 1849; May; and June 5, 18, 1850; editorials 
on "Union of Free Soil and Democratic Parties," etc. 

- "Western Citizen," December 4, II, 1849. 

3 "Chicago Journal," January 5, 13,15,1849. Also Moses, "Illinois," Vol. 
II., page 564. 

"Western Citizen," January 16, 1849. It was thought that this would force 

177 



I7 S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Democrats ("Barn-burners") were content to remain by 
their old parties, as long as it seemed likely that these 
parties would adopt opposition to slavery extension as a 
party plank; and the existence of a special Free Soil party 
seemed unnecessary. 

The Free Soil men, however, refused to coalesce with 
the supporters of either of the other parties. 1 They 
doubted the sincerity of their opposition to slavery, but 
lacking a definite policy and progressive spirit themselves, 
the Free Soilers were exceedingly slow in reorganizing 
their own party for active political work. It was not till 
the late summer 2 of 1849 that they began to prepare for 
the fall elections of that year, and then Free Soil candi- 
dates were nominated only in four counties and one dis- 
trict. 3 Mr. O. H. Haven was elected Representative in 
the State Legislature by a small majority, but all the other 
nominees were defeated. 4 This slight gain was the first 
Free Soil victory in the State, and it cheered correspond- 
ingly the depressed spirits of the antislavery men. 

In February, 1850, California 5 applied for admission 
to the Union, and Henry Clay brought forward the famous 
Compromise Bill of that year. This last was a rallying 
point for the Free Soilers, and they quickly made good 
use of it. Mass meetings were held, and the immediate 
admission of a free California, the repeal of the Fugitive 
Slave Law, and opposition to all compromises with the 

Mr. Douglas to resign; but he escaped by asserting that the resolution in 
question was not the voice of the people of Illinois." 

1 "Western Citizen," April 4 and September 25, 1849; June 18, 1850. 

2 They made a dismal failure in Cook County trying to run candidates for 
County Judge, Prosecuting Attorney, and .Clerk, on a Free Soil platform. 
"Western Citizen," April 3, 18415. 

3 These were McHenry, Kane, Bureau, and LaSalle counties, and the 
district comprising Kendall, DuPage, Will, and Iroquois counties. "Western 
Citizen," September 25, and October 2, 9, 16, 1849. 

* Mr. Haven's majority was 161. "Western Citizen," November 20, 1849. 
6 On February 13. The Territory had adopted an antislavery Constitution 
on November 13, 1849. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 179 

slave power became the most prominent planks in their 
platform. 1 The Compromise was denounced. A State 
convention of Free Soilers was proposed, but it failed to 
materialize before the following year. 2 

The leaders of the antislavery movement in the Fourth 
District, however, decided to organize, and an enthusi- 
astic, harmonious meeting took place at Joliet in June to 
arrange the preliminaries. 3 A regular convention was 
held in August, and William B. Ogden put in nomination 
for Representative. 4 Mr. Ogden was widely known and 
respected. His candidacy was warmly approved by the 
Free Soil and Whig papers. 5 

In nominating Dr. Maloney for the same office the 
Democrats of the Fourth Distict pledged themselves to 
oppose the extension of slavery into Territories then free. 6 

Dr. Maloney was not satisfied with this, but in a public 
letter to Mr. Ogden, declared himself in sympathy with 
the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and in favor of 
making slave States out of Texas only. Thereupon Mr. 
Ogden withdrew from the contest, saying that two Free 
Soil candidates were unnecessary. 7 In this way the anti- 
slavery Democrats of the district were retained within 
their party, and a severe blow was given the real Free 
Soil party. 8 

1 "Western Citizen," February 26 and March 16, 1850, etc. 

2 Advocated by the "Citizen" in issue of April 2, 1850. See also editorial 
on "The Crisis," in issue of March 5, 1850. 

s "Western Citizen," June 18, 1850. 

* "Western Citizen," September 3, 1850. 

E In the "Western Citizen" for September 10, a list of quotations from the 
leading Whig and Free Soil papers is given, showing their attitude toward 
Mr. Ogden. 

6 Official report of the Joliet convention in "Chicago Journal," September 
12, 1850. 

7 Letter of Mr. Maloney in "Chicago Journal," October 11, 1850. 
Letter of Mr. Ogden in "Chicago Journal," October 29, 1850. 

8 Mr. Maloney's action did not meet with general approval among Demo- 
crats. "The State Register," of Springfield, and the Boone County Demo- 
cratic convention, for instance, criticised him severely. 



180 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

At the same time the Whigs were placing Churchill 
Coffing in nomination for Representative on a similar plat- 
form, and elsewhere over the State their conventions 
were giving expression to the same sentiments, opposing 
slavery extension and the Fugitive Slave Law. 1 

The majority of the Free Soilers — especially the old 
Liberty men — held together and nominated James H. 
Collins, a prominent Chicago lawyer, in place of Mr. 
Ogden. Mr. Codding and Owen Lovejoy at once took 
the field for the new candidate, but it was too late to 
accomplish much in that campaign. Mr. Collins made a 
fair showing in the September elections but, by drawing 
the Free Soil votes to himself, he contributed to the defeat 
of the Whig candidate, Mr. Coffing. 2 

Meanwhile the agitation over the Fugitive Slave Law 
continued. Mass meetings were held in many places and 
resolutions condemning this measure were passed. In 
Chicago the excitement was intense, especially during 
October. The Common Council passed resolutions de- 
claring the Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional, and enor- 
mous public meetings were held from October 22 to 26 in 
front of the North Market, where this law was the centre 
of the discussion. 3 

On the 23d, Senator Stephen A. Douglas attempted 
to deliver there a speech in defense of the Compromise 
Bill, and his connection with its passage. The feeling 
against him was very bitter, and such a disturbance was 
raised on the first two evenings, by groans, hisses, and 
yells, that he could not finish his oration. It was only on 
the understanding that he would be answered by the op- 

1 See the "Chicago Journal," August io, 15, 19, 20, 21-25, anc > September 
19-28, 1850. 

2 The vote, according to the "Citizen" and the "Journal," was: Maloney, 
11,231; Coffing, 10,587, Collins, 1,076. 

3 "Western Citizen" and "Chicago Journal," October, 1850. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN iSl 

ponents of the Fugitive Slave Law that he was permitted 
to finish an able two-hour address in its favor. He was 
listened to with respectful silence, but the answering argu- 
ments of the Honorable James H. Collins, E. C. Lamed, 
and George Manierre, condemning the law as unconstitu- 
tional, were received with great applause. Mr. Douglas 
met with an equally cool reception in other Northern Illi- 
nois cities, though in the Central and Southern sections 
he was received as warmly as ever. 

At the close of 1850 the question of reorganization 
was taken up by the antislavery men. The first move 
was made by the leaders of the old Liberty party. A 
conference of prominent men was held in Chicago in 
December, 1 and in January, 185 1, a State antislavery 
convention, attended chiefly by Liberty men of the middle 
counties, assembled at Granville. The sentiment in favor 
of political reorganization was unanimous, and a State 
Antislavery Society was once more called into being. A 
central executive committee was appointed, and three men 
engaged to lecture in the interests of the society. Some 
county organizations were effected. Ten hundred and 
twenty-three dollars was raised by subscription during the 
year, but the new society seems never to have acquired 
the influence or importance that the old Illinois Antislav- 
ery Society enjoyed. 2 

The demand for a new antislavery party was renewed 
at a Southern antislavery convention, held at Sparta. Illi- 
nois, in June, 3 and again at the Putnam County conven- 

1 December q. It was decided here to call an antislavery State convention 
and to organize a new antislavery society, "Citizen," December 17, 1850. 

The call was published in the "Western Citizen" on December 24, 1850, 
and the reorganization ably urged in editorials by Mr. Eastman, entitled 
"Organization," December 24; and "The State Antislavery Convention," 
December 31. 

2 "Western Citizen," January 14, 21, 28, and February 18 to November 25, 
1851, also issue of October 12, 1852. 

3 Minutes of this convention in the "Citizen," July 15, 1851. 



1 82 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

tion ' the same month. It finally became the central issue 
of a fairly representative State antislavery convention 
convened at Aurora in July. 2 Here the Illinois advocates 
of freedom expressed themselves in favor of a new na- 
tional antislavery party whose aim should be to secure the 
total abolition of slavery and the establishment of right- 
eous civil government in the United States. Not wishing 
to commit themselves further, they nominated without 
special instructions thirty-seven delegates to the two na- 
tional antislavery conventions which were to meet the 
following September — the one at Buffalo, and the other 
at Cleveland. 

The Liberty party convention at Buffalo was attended 
only by delegates from New York, Ohio, Illinois, and 
Michigan. Gerrit Smith declined the Presidential nomi- 
nation for 1852, but Charles Durkee was named for the 
Vice-Presidency. Resolutions were drawn up, embodying 
the main features of the old Buffalo platform, con- 
demning the Fugitive Slave Law, and advocating the unity 
of all antislavery men in one party. The Cleveland Free 
Democratic convention — more truly national in its repre- 
sentation — passed similar resolutions, except those rela- 
tive to a new "Union" party. Instead, it appointed a 
committee to arrange the time and place for summoning 
a national antislavery convention to nominate Presidential 
candidates, as if all antislavery men would rally under its 
banners as a matter of course. 

The Illinois abolitionists were not satisfied with the 
results of either of these conventions. They desired more 
definite steps toward union and more pronounced opposi- 
tion to slavery. While waiting for the final action of the 

1 Minutes of this convention in the "Citizen," July 22, 1851. 

* On the 29th and 30th. See "Western Citizen," August 5. 1851. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 183 

Free Democratic party, they continued the agitation foi 
a true National Liberty party, and directed their energies 
toward the foundation of a new Liberty party within their 
own State. 1 

No definite program could be adopted until after the 
National Free Democratic convention had declared its 
position, but during the winter of 1851-1852 conventions 
were held, notably at Rockford and Princeton, 2 the ques- 
tion of a new party was thoroughly discussed, and prepara- 
tions were made for an active campaign in the fall of 1852. 
The chief motive of these efforts was the desire to unite all 
men who were opposed to slavery on principle, in one 
party, and as Free Soil ideas were rapidly gaining a large 
hold on Northern and Central Illinois, the propects for 
success were bright. 

"Our great business now is," wrote Mr. Eastman, in 
March, 1852, "to awaken the people of Illinois, and to 
interest them in this movement. To this end we have 
now labored for the past year and a half. It has been 
the hardest year and a half's work we have ever done. 
We have not worked so much through the columns of the 
paper, as through other means. We have appealed to 
philanthropists and churches at home and abroad to help 
us We have thus been struggling, while our peo- 
ple and State are almost bankrupt, while but little money 
could be found to live upon, and while every man has had 
his hands full to provide ways and means for his own pre- 
servation. Yet the progress has been slow and sure. Our 
reform never stood on a better basis, and never looked so 
hopeful for the future. What we need now is work." 3 

'See the resolutions at the conventions at Rockford, Princeton, and of 
Stark, Ogle, iLake, Kane, Knox counties, etc. "Western Citizen," October, 
1851, to July, 1852. 

'Fifteen counties were represented, and the session lasted two days. 

3 Editorial on "Freedom Politics in Illinois,'' in issue of March 9, 1852. 



184 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The lead in this activity was taken by the "Western 
Citizen," supported by the "Sparta Freeman," 1 and 
occasional words of approval were received from Whig 
papers until August. On the eleventh of that month Mr. 
J. P. Hale and Mr. Julian were nominated for President 
and Vice-President by the Free Democratic convention 
at Pittsburg. On the sixteenth a large Free Democratic 
mass meeting in Chicago approved these nominations, and 
similar demonstrations occurred throughout Northern Illi- 
nois until the State convention of the Free Democratic 
forces met at Granville on the 25th and 26th. 

Here the nominations of Hale and Julian were sus- 
tained, Presidential electors chosen, and the platform of 
the National Free Democratic party approved. Mr. D. 
A. Knowlton of Freeport, a man of high political integrity 
and a representative of the Free Soil section of the con- 
vention, received the nomination for Governor. Philo 
Carpenter of Chicago was slated for Lieutenant Governor, 
to conciliate the Liberty men. A central committee was 
appointed to take charge of the fall campaign, and the 
new movement was inaugurated with great enthusiasm. 2 

The Free Democratic party of Illinois, now duly 
launched, played an important part in the campaign of 
1852. Its central committee authorized the publication 
of the "Chicago Daily Times" for three months in the 
interests of the new party and its nominees. It was 
printed by agreement on the press of the "Western Citi- 
zen," and its subject matter used again largely in that 
paper. 3 

Immediately following the Granville Convention Mr. 

1 The "Sparta Freeman" was begun in January, 1850, with J. N. Coleman 
as editor." 

2 "Western Citizen," August 17 to October 10, 1852. 

3 "Western Citizen," August 31 and October 18, 185-2, editorial. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 1S5 

Eastman lectured at Magnolia, Lowell, Vermilionville, 
Morris, Lisbon, and Joliet. In October Mr. Kelsey 
delivered speeches throughout the central part of the 
State. Mass meetings were held frequently in Chicago 
and the northern towns. "Hale Clubs" were formed 
here and there, but the attempt to secure their organiza- 
tion generally over the State was a failure. County Free 
Democratic conventions were held at various county seats 
north of Springfield, where the national and State nomi- 
nations were confirmed, and local Free Democratic candi- 
dates placed in nomination. In September the Second 
and Third Congressional Districts put Free Democratic 
candidates in the field, and in October the First and 
Fourth followed their example. 

The results of the campaign were very encouraging, 
although it fell far short of that of 1848 in enthusiasm 
and facilities for work. There was more real unity in 
feeling and action among antislavery advocates; men 
were more certain of their position on the slavery ques- 
tion; and many who were timidly Free Soil in 1848 were 
now ready to join a party pledged to the abolition of slav- 
ery. None of the nominees of the Free Democratic party 
in Illinois were successful, but the ballot showed a con- 
siderable increase in the antislavery vote. 1 

In December Mr. Eastman undertook the publication 
of the "Chicago Daily Times" on assurances from the 
Free Democratic Central Committee and leading Chicago 
antislavery men that the money and subscriptions still due 
would be paid in. The committee was soon dissolved, 
and the promised funds never appeared. After conduct- 

1 Free Soil vote in 1848: for President, 15,702; for Governor, 4,748. Free 
Democratic vote in 1852: for President, g,q66; for Governor, 8,809. The ballot 
for Governor is the real test in this case, as the Free Soil Presidential vote of 
1848 was not strictly an antislavery ballot, but rather one where the personnel 
ot the candidates played a great part. 



iS6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

ing the paper for six months at his own expense, Mr. 
Eastman was forced to discontinue the "Daily Times" 
and to appeal to the Free Democratic party for aid to 
continue the weekly "Citizen." ' 

After considerable correspondence between the leaders, 
a State convention was held in May, 1853, at Ottawa, to 
formulate plans for the more efficient organization of the 
party and the successful continuance of the "Western 
Citizen," or some other paper, as a party sheet. Some 
twenty-four counties — covering the district from Chicago 
and Galena to Eden — were represented. The delegates 
were enthusiastic, united in purpose, and ready for work. 
The business of the convention was more ably conducted, 
its results were more consistent and satisfactory than at 
any previous State gathering of antislavery men. 

A plan of organization was agreed upon. A State 
board of directors numbering twelve was to sit at Chicago 
and undertake the effective reorganization of the party. 
This board was to be assisted by committees of five in 
each county and Congressional district, and committees 
of three in every town. Ten thousand copies of the 
"Western Citizen" were to be distributed broadcast 
weekly, and the committees were to secure as many 
subscriptions as possible. Lecturers were to be kept 
constantly in the field. State conventions should convene 
at regular intervals, and Free Democratic associations 
were to be formed in every county and town as far as 
possible. 2 

The work of putting this Ottawa plan into operation 
was begun at once. The "Citizen" was no longer issued, 3 

1 "Western Citizen," October 18, 1853. 

2 "Western Citizen," June 7, 1853. 

3 Its last number was dated October 18, 1853. It had been temporarily 
suspended until the Ottawa convention had taken action. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 187 

but in December the "Free West" appeared in its place, 
under the patronage of the board of directors in Chicago. 1 
Its editors were E. Goodman, Hooper Warren, and Z. 
Eastman. They knew from bitter experience how diffi- 
cult it was to maintain a strictly partisan sheet by sub- 
scriptions. Accordingly an effort was made to place the 
paper on a self-supporting basis, by rendering its pages 
more attractive to the general public. Its prospectus 
assures us that it was to be a "typical Western journal," 
devoted to the interests, the development, and the pros- 
perity of the West. 2 

Otis Richardson was appointed by the La Salle County 
committee to lecture in that county and in the Third Con- 
gressional District. D. M. Kelsey was employed in Kane 
County, and the Rev. J. F. Markham in DuPage. Mr. 
Eastman and Mr. CM. Hawley lectured in nine county 
and ten local meetings between December 20, 1853, and 
January 13, 1 854, the most important of which were in 
Will and McHenry counties. During October, 1853, 
Frederick Douglas lectured in the State, and late the fol- 
lowing spring, I. Codding and Cassius M. Clay began a 
lecture tour, speaking especially against the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill. 3 

Within fourteen months of the Ottawa convention at 
least sixteen Free Democratic associations were reported 
as formed. It is quite probable that there were others, 
as several of the strongest Free Soil counties — such as 
Lake, Cook, and DeKalb — do not appear on the list. 

Most fortunately for the new organization two statutes 
were enacted at this time — the one by the Illinois Legis- 

1 Its first number was issued on December 1,1853. The subscription list 
oi the "Citizen" larger than ever, containing some 1,500 to 2,000 names, was 
turned over to the new paper. 

* "Free West," December 1, 1853. 

3 "Free West," December 15, 1853, to June 22, 1854. 



iSS NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

lature, and the other by Congress — which aroused public 
sentiment as never before on the slavery question, and 
which made possible a universal antislavery agitation 
throughout the State. The first of these, passed Febru- 
ary 12, 1853, prohibited the immigration of free negroes 
into Illinois. It was a crime for any one to bring in a 
colored person, and any negro who appeared in the State 
and remained ten days was liable to be arrested and fined 
fifty dollars. In case of inability to pay the fine, he was 
to be sold to any person who would pay the costs of the 
trial. 1 

This bill was intended as a blow at the abolitionists 
who were aiding slaves to escape, and as a concession to 
Southern slaveholders, who were allowed to reclaim their 
servants on payment of the costs. Its supporters at- 
tempted to justify it on economic grounds, and urged the 
necessity of preserving the State from the evils associated 
with an over-supply of negro laborers. But its passage 
raised a great storm of opposition and criticism all over 
Illinois. Not only did the Free Democracy, in its paper 
and its conventions, denounce it in the strongest terms, 
but nearly even- Whig and Democratic journal in the State 
was outspoken against it. 1 ' From the fall of 1 85 3 to the 
spring of 1854 the Free Democratic party made the repeal 
of this law, and of the so-called Black Laws, the chief 
local issues in a progressive and extensive antislavery cam- 
paign. 

In May, 1854, the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill by Congress gave a new impetus to their efforts. 
This statute provided for the formation of two Territories 

1 Illinois Statutes of i?S2. "An act to prevent the immigration of free 
negroes into this State." Sees. 1-4, 8. 

- "Chicaaro Journal," February, 22; "Alton Courier," March 4; "Alton Tele- 
graph," February 21 and March 12; and "Belleville Advocate," "Galena Ad- 
vertiser," etc., of same dates. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 1S9 

out of the district lying west and northwest of Missouri, 
and between the parallels of 37° and 43 °. Since this 
region — a portion of the old Louisiana Purchase — was 
situated north of 36 ° 30', it had become free territory by 
the Missouri Compromise of 1820. That measure was 
now declared "inoperative and void," because it was 
"inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by 
Congress with slavery in the States and Territories as 
recognized by the legislation of 1850." ' The real aim of 
the new bill was — to use the words of its great author, 
Stephen A. Douglas — "not to legislate slavery into any 
Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to 
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regu- 
late their domestic institutions in their own way, subject 
only to the Constitution of the United States." 

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill was unexpected by the 
masses, and aroused indignation and alarm throughout 
the North. It had hardly been introduced into Congress 
before a campaign against it was inaugurated in Illinois. 
On February 2d, the "Free West" published the ap- 
peal of the Free Democratic members of Congress to 
the citizens of the United States, entitled, "Shall Slavery 
be Prohibited in Nebraska?" It urged the people to "get 
this into their heads," and to arouse themselves generally 
against the bill. 2 And during the months of agitation that 
followed, this paper remained an active and determined 
opponent of Senator Douglas and his bill. 

An enthusiastic Anti-Nebraska Bill meeting was 
held in Chicago on February 8, where resolutions were 
passed condemning the measure and asking the Illinois 
Legislature to instruct the State's representatives to vote 

1 The Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 

* "Free West," February 2, 1854. 



190 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

against it. On the eleventh Mr. Douglas's friends at- 
tempted to get up a meeting in support of the proposed 
statute, but it was a dismal failure. 1 

Throughout the State lively "Anti-Nebraska" meet- 
ings were held during February and March, in which men 
of all political parties took part. Even though Congress 
passed the bill, the agitation against it was continued on 
through the summer. In July Cassius M. Clay made 
speeches at Chicago, Ottawa, Bloomington, Joiiet, Free- 
port, Rockford, Elgin, Springfield, Alton, and Quincy, 
where for the most part large audiences greeted him. At 
the same time Ichabod Codding was addressing county 
conventions and mass meetings in the smaller towns of 
Central and Northern Illinois. 2 

About the 1st of August a movement was started to 
nominate Independent candidates who should run on a 
distinct "Anti-Nebraska" platform in the approaching 
Congressional elections. The DuPage County Free 
Democratic convention, at Wheaton, declared, on August 
1, 1854, that a new national party was needed to restore 
the "government to its original basis of liberty." The 
Declaration of Independence was proposed as a platform, 
and the delegates announced, "We are willing to surrender 
our party name and to be known by the name of Republi- 
can, suggested by the friends of freedom in Wisconsin, 
Vermont, and other States." This was the first mention 
of the name Republican in Illinois conventions. 3 

On the same day a large Anti-Nebraska convention 
was held at Ottawa by the Whigs, Democrats, and Free 
Democrats of the First Congressional District. The word 
"Republican" was not used, but principles similar to 

1 "Chicago Journal," February 13, 1854. 

2 "Free West,'' June 29, July 20, August 3, 1854, 

3 See the platform in full, in the "Free West," August 10, 1854. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 191 

those adopted by the Republican convention in Wis- 
consin were approved, and independent action in the 
next Congressional election was recommended. 1 Many of 
the papers of the State began to urge united action for 
freedom, and on August 10, Mr. Eastman wrote: "The 
newspapers of the most progressive order through the 
middle portion of the State are calling for a State mass 
convention against the Nebraska Bill. We are a little 
surprised at the earnestness of tone of these papers on 
the subject. They spurn party trammels, and ask for 
immediate action." 2 

The "Free West" advocated the formation of the 
Republican party in Illinois — already suggested by a num- 
ber of county conventions — for the first time on August 
24. 3 On the 30th the First Congressional District was 
organized on an independent Republican basis at Rock- 
ford, and nominated the Hon. E. B. Washburne for Con- 
gress on that platform. The Second District followed, on 
September 20, placing James H . Woodworth in nomination. 4 

The main points of the platform adopted by both con- 
ventions were: (1) to restore the administration of the 
Government to the principles of liberty and justice; (2) 
the repeal of the Nebraska and the Fugitive Slave laws; 
(3) the restriction of slavery to the States where it then 
existed; (4) the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, 
and opposition to the creation of more slave States. 

An effort was made to unite all antislavery men in this 
new party, especial hope being placed in the accession of 
the Northern Whigs. 5 In this the Republicans were 

1 "Free West," August 24 and September 7, 1854. 

* "Free West," August 10, 1854. Editorial urging a State convention. 

3 In editorial on "The Republican Party in the Ascendency." 

4 "Free West," September 7 and 21, 1854. 

"Editorial entitled "Is There Yet Hope?" "Free West, ' October 5, 1854. 



19 2 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

doomed to much disappointment. Though strongly 
"Anti-Nebraska," the Whigs were equally strong in de- 
votion to their party. For the most part they were loath 
to desert the old ship till the new party was an assured 
success. 

The Whigs joined with the Republicans in the First 
district, but in the Second they nominated a candidate of 
their own. 1 In the Third and Fourth districts, the Whigs 
joined with the Republicans, largely because the men 
chosen were old Whig men and popular with that party as 
well as with the Free Democracy. 2 In the remaining dis- 
tricts no fusion tickets were attempted, but the Whig 
candidates everywhere ran on an Anti-Nebraska platform, 
thereby drawing to themselves the votes of the Free 
Democrats and other antislavery men. 

One interesting and suggestive fact is noticeable in this 
campaign; it is the unbiased way in which the antislavery 
men and papers of all parties stood together in support of 
the Anti-Nebraska candidates. The "Free West" advo- 
cated industriously the candidacy of Archibald Williams, 
Richard Yates, W. B. Archer, — all Whigs, — and of 
Lyman Trumbull, a Democrat, because all were opposed 
to the Nebraska Bill. On the other hand, the "Chicago 
Journal," a Whig sheet, supported the Republican nom- 
inees — Washburne, Norton, James Knox, and Trumbull — 
for the same reason. 3 

Everywhere the campaign against slavery-extension 
was progressive and enthusiastic. The Anti-Nebraska 
candidates all "took the stump" in their respective dis- 

■ "Free West," July 2t, 1854. The real cause of their failure to unite was 
not a disagreement on principles, but on the question of the apportionment of 
votes that each party should have in case the two conventions united. They 
met at Aurora on the same day. 

3 "Free West," November 2, and "Chicago Journal," October 3, 1854. 

2 "Free West" and "Chicago Journal," October-November, 1854. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 193 

tricts. In addition, Ichabod Codding, Owen Lovejoy, 
Wright and J. R. Giddings were busy lecturing during 
the entire period. But a more general interest centred 
around the speeches of such men as S. P. Chase, Gustave 
Koerner, Judge Trumbull, and Abraham Lincoln — all of 
whom denounced the Nebraska Bill. 

Senator Douglas, on the other hand, was actively can- 
vassing the State in defense of his own doctrines. His 
reception in Northern and Central Illinois was exceedingly 
chilly. When he attempted to address a meeting at the 
North Market Hall in Chicago, he was hardly able to 
finish a sentence, so great was the uproar and confusion, 
and he left the place in disgust. 1 At Joliet, Bloomington, 
and Carlinsville he was allowed to speak, but his words 
evoked no applause. 2 

At the State fair at Springfield, the "little Giant" met 
with better treatment. His personal friends and the old- 
time Democrats were present there in great numbers, and 
gave him a ready support. He made a lengthy address 
before an enormous assemblage in Representative Hall, 
but his eloquence did not win its customary success. The 
next day he was answered by Mr. Lincoln in a four-hour 
speech, "conceived and expressed" — to use the words of 
an eye-witness — "in a most happy, pleasant style, and 
which was received with abundant applause." 3 

A so-called Anti-Nebraska Republican convention 
was held on October 4, in Springfield, and James Miller 
was nominated for State Treasurer. 1 It was a gathering 

1 Speech of September 1, see "Free West" of September 7 and other Chi- 
cago papers. 

2 "Free West" September 7-21, and "Chicago Journal' October 5, 1854. 

3 Correspondent of the "St. Louis Republican," quoted also in full in the 
"Chicago Journal," October 7, 1854. 

4 Mr. E. McClure was the first nominee chosen, but he declined. "Chicago 
Journal," October 7, 1854. 



194 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

of the more radical antislavery men. Nearly all the 
twenty-six delegates were old Free Democrats. The 
Anti-Nebraska Whigs and Democrats refused to attend, 
and the former Liberty leaders had everything their 
own way. Abraham Lincoln — then a Whig — had been 
asked to attend, but his friends dissuaded him. 1 He was 
nominated, however, on the State Central Committee, 
but declined to serve. 2 

The November election day came, and with it success 
for the antislavery cause. The Republican nominees in 
the first four districts were elected by majorities consider- 
ably greater than those of the Free Soil and antislavery 
Whig candidates in the same districts in 1852. In the 
Eighth District, Judge Trumbull, an Anti-Nebraska 
Democrat, was chosen by a large plurality, while the 
Anti-Nebraska candidate in the Seventh District was de- 
feated by only one vote. The elections of State Senators 
and Representatives resulted in an Anti-Nebraska major- 
ity of eighteen in the Senate, and fifteen in the House. 
The Republicans alone elected some twenty-eight Repre- 
sentatives, among whom was Owen Lovejoy, sent up by 
Bureau County. There was great rejoicing among anti- 
slavery men, and all looked forward with high hopes and 
great expectancy to the Presidential election of 1856, 
while the demand for an organized State Republican party 
increased on all sides. 3 

For a time an approaching Senatorial election drew 
general attention to the Legislature. Senator Shields, a 

1 Lincoln's Ottawa speech, "Debates," page 73; also see Morse's "Lin- 
coln," Vol. I., page 95. 

s Letter from Lincoln to Codding, dated November 27, 1854. 
3 The vote as given in the official records was, according to "Free West," 
December 21, and "Chicago Journal," November 6, 1854: 

1854, District No. 1, Washburne, plurality, 5,596; 1852, 236 majority. 

1854, District No. 2, plurality, 4,374. 

1854, District No. 3, plurality, 4,258; 1852, 181 majority. 

1854, District No. 4, plurality, 2,559; 1852, 202 majority. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 195 

Democrat and a supporter of the Nebraska Bill, was a 
candidate for re-election, but there was little hope for 
him, as the Anti-Nebraska men controlled both the Sen- 
ate and the House. Abraham Lincoln and Lyman Trum- 
bull were the chief Anti-Nebraska candidates. Mr. 
Lincoln had been elected to the State Legislature by San- 
gamon County, but declined to receive his credentials, in 
order to run for Senator. His popularity was consider- 
able, but many Republicans were suspicious of him. He 
was not yet pronounced enough in his antislavery prin- 
ciples to suit them all, and some feared he was too much 
of a Whig to make a good Republican. 

"We would not advise the Republicans," the "Free 
West" said, in November, "to support for this station 
Lincoln or any of the moderate men of this stamp. He is 
only a Whig, and this people's movement is no Whig 

triumph Let a man of the people be elected 

Senator." ' 

Thus, while the more moderate Republicans under the 
leadership of the "Chicago Tribune"'" favored Lincoln, 
the more radical element, the former Liberty men and 
Free Democrats, opposed him. The latter were espe- 
cially loath to take any step which would look as if they 
were selling themselves out to the Whig party. 3 In spite 
of this, a majority might have been secured for Mr. Lin- 
coln, as Joshua Giddings had written Owen Lovejoy urg- 
ing the Liberty men to support him, but five of the 
Anti-Nebraska Democrats refused to vote for him or for 
any Whig. This precluded any hope of securing for Mr. 
Lincoln the number of votes necessary to elect. 4 

1 "Free West," November 30, 1854. 

3 Founded largely to advance the interests of the Republican party. 

3 "Antislavery Agitation in Illinois," by Z. Eastman, in Blanchard's 
"Illinois," page 66t), old edition. 

4 Lincoln's letter to Washburne, Lincoln's Works, 1., 21S. 



196 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

He was the first to take in the situation, and although 
receiving a large vote on the first ballot, he withdrew with 
rare magnanimity from the contest in order that an Anti- 
Nebraska man — Lyman Trumbull — might be chosen. 
The final ballot saw his action justified in the victory of 
Mr. Trumbull by four votes over Governor Matteson. 1 
Much good was expected from Mr. Trumbull's work and 
influence in Congress, and his election was regarded as a 
rebuke to Senators Douglas and Shields. The Illinois 
Legislature emphasized this rebuke by passing almost 
immediately a resolution instructing the Illinois Senators 
to oppose the admission of slave States formed out of the 
Kansas-Nebraska Territory, and to advocate the restora- 
tion of the Missouri Compromise. 2 

In September, 1855, Mr. Douglas made a tour of 
South-Central Illinois and "Egypt," in order to explain 
his attitude on the slavery issue and to strengthen his hold 
on the Illinois Democracy. His effort does not seem to 
have been largely successful, but he aroused the opposi- 
tion of the "Chicago Democratic Press" most powerfully 
against him, because he declined to meet Judge Trumbull 
in joint debate. 3 

1 For detailed accounts of this election, see — 

"Chicago Journal," February 9, 1855. 
"Chicago Tribune," February 9, 1855. 
"Alton Telegraph," February 2-9, 1855. 
Morse "Lincoln" I., 97. 
The Democrats united all their forces on Governor Matteson after the sixth 
ballot, deserting Shields entirely. 

2 "Chicago Journal," February 12, 1855. The resolution passed the Senate 
on February 10. 

3 "Chicago Daily Democratic Press," October 1-11, 185:; "Belleville Zei- 
tung, September 25, 1855. Because he ignored Judge Trumbull's request, and 
evaded direct answers to questions put to him during his St. Louis speech, and 
elsewhere, Douglas was called "The Great Dodger" by the "Press'and other 
papers. Douglas prevented Trumbull from answering him at Salem by talking 
most of the afternoon, although the citizens of Salem had invited Trumbull to 
come there. Trumbull answered Douglas that night, however, and lateral 
Mt. Vernon and Alton. Concerning Douglas's Mt. Vernon speech, the corre 
spondent of the "Alton Courier" wrote: "Douglas gained no ground by his 
effort here." The same report was rendered of his addresses at Salem and at 
Belleville. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 197 

The current of opposition to the spread of slave terri- 
tory grew steadily stronger week by week, and the vari- 
ous orders of antislavery advocates were drawn ever closer 
together. The Liberal spirit of self-sacrifice for the sake 
of principle became daily more manifest, while the men 
of all parties — Whigs, Free Democrats, Liberty men, 
even many Democrats — showed themselves ready to sur- 
render their old parties for one which would take the right 
kind of advance stand against slavery. 

At length the time seemed ripe for a State Republican 
party, which should unite all the antislavery elements in 
the State into one powerful and harmonious whole. 
Then, and only then, could the forces opposed to slavery 
extension expect to labor with true success in Illinois, or 
to wield any great influence in the nation at large. The 
preliminary step to such an organization was taken at an 
Anti-Nebraska convention of newspaper editors, held at 
Decatur in February, 1856. 1 There were eleven delegates 
present, among whom were Charles H. Ray of the "Chi- 
cago Tribune," Paul Selby of the "Jacksonville Journal," 
William J. Usrey of the "Decatur Chronicle," and George 
Snyder of the "Chicago Staats-Zeitung." 2 After select- 
ing Mr. Selby as chairman, and Mr. Usrey as secretary of 
the meeting, they proceeded to a discussion of the prin- 
ciples upon which the new State organization should be 
built. 

They were all agreed that the slave States should be 
sustained in all the rights guaranteed to them by the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and in disclaiming any 
desire to interfere with slavery in the States where it 
existed. With those admissions, they then passed these 

1 "Chicago Journal" and "Tribune," February 25, 1856. 

2 For complete list, see Moses' "Illinois," Vol. 11., page 59S. 



198 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Resolutions: (1) "That we are in favor of the restoration 
of the Missouri Compromise, or in other words, that we 
will strive by all legal means to restore to Kansas and 
Nebraska a legal guarantee against slavery, of which they 
were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted 
faith of the nation; (2) that we hold the settlement 
of the true relations of the General and State Govern- 
ments to slavery, and the restriction of slavery to its pres- 
ent authorized limits, as the paramount questions for 
consideration." 1 In addition, they advocated reform in 
the administration of the State government. 

On such foundation principles the new party was to 
be organized, and to insure that end immediately, a State 
convention was recommended, which should meet at 
Bloomington on May 29 following. A State Central 
Committee of eleven was appointed to supervise the 
organization and interests of the new party. 2 

In the spring of 1856 this Central Committee called an 
antislavery convention at Bloomington. Besides the in- 
centive of organization, the chief object of such a conven- 
tion was the nomination of State officers who should run 
on an "Anti-Nebraska" platform in the coming elections. 
On May 20, in an editorial on the Gubernatorial elec- 
tion, the "Chicago Daily Press" advocated in strong 
terms the nomination of William H. Bissell of St. Clair 
County for Governor, and Francis A. Hoffman of Cook 
County for Lieutenant Governor. On the 21st the 
"Staats-Zeitung" accepted these nominees with manifest 

1 "Chicago Journal," February 25, 1856. 

* "Chicago Journal," January 25, 1856. This committee included both 
Democrats and Whigs, and was composed as follows: 1st District, S. M. Church, 
of Rockford; 2d District, W. B. Ogden, of Chicago; 3d District, G D.A.Parker, 
of Will County; 4th District, T. J. Pickett, of Peoria; 5th District, E.J. Dudley, 
of Quincy; 6th District, W. J. Herndon, of Springtield; 7th District, R. J. 
Oglesby, of Decatur; 8th District, Jas. Gillespie, of Edwardsville; and qth Dis- 
trict, D. L. Phillips, of Jonesborofand for the State at large, Gustave Koerner 
and Ira O. Wilkinson. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 199 

approval, and shortly they were seen to be the acknowl- 
edged favorites among Anti- Nebraska men throughout 
the State. 

On the 23d a Cook County Anti-Nebraska conven- 
tion was held in the South Market Hall, Chicago. 1 
Members of all the old parties were in attendance. 
Speeches were made by F. C. Sherman (who presided), 
Norman B. Judd, Judge Skinner, and Grant Goodrich; 
but the prime mover in all things was John Wentworth, 
of former Democratic fame. On his motion resolutions 
were passed, repudiating the platform of the two recent 
political State conventions (of the American and the 
Democratic parties), 2 and advocating a third convention, 
where all men of all parties who desired to restore the 
Government to the principles of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence might unite. Seventeen delegates were ap- 
pointed to attend the Bloomington Convention, and pledged 
to the support of Mr. Hoffman. 3 

The State Anti-Nebraska Convention assembled in 
Bloomington on May 29. Seventy-one counties were 
represented. The name "Republican" or "Republican 
party" was not used, but this is to be considered as the 
first real Republican State convention. 4 Men of all parties 
were present — Democrats, Abolitionists, Free Democrats, 
and Republicans. 

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill had wrought a division in 
the Democratic party, which was never again to be healed. 
There were now "Douglas" Democrats and the "Anti- 

1 "Chicago Daily Democratic Press," May 20, 23, 24; the "Weekly Press." 
May 24. 

'The Democratic State convention was held at Springfield on May 1, 1856. 
W. A. Richardson, of Adams County, was nominated for Governor, and John 
Moore, of McLean, for Lieutenant Governor. 

3 Minutes of Convention in the "Press" for May 24, 1856. 

4 For full record of the proceedings of this convention, see the "Chicago 
Daily Press," May 30, 31, 1856, and "Journal" and "Tribune" of same dates. 



200 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Nebraska" Democrats. After the passage of that bill, 
such staunch Democratic papers as the "Chicago Daily 
Press" and the "Southern Illinoisan," and such con- 
servative "old liners" as Governor Koerner and N. B. 
Judd felt that they could no longer support Mr. Douglas, 
because, as Koerner said, "the Nebraska Bill was a repeal 
of the Missouri Compromise, and a sectional measure 
devoted to the interests of slavery." These Democrats 
were unwilling to join either the Whigs or the more radi- 
cal Free Soilers, but they were not averse to joining a 
new party formed on Anti-Nebraska lines. The new 
party should, however, according to Koerner, "meet all 
the important political issues clearly and distinctly, with- 
out mental reservation. "I could not cooperate with any 
party that did not, while asserting the principle that soil 
heretofore free shall remain free as long as it is territory, 
at the same time affirmatively maintain that the Constitu- 
tional rights of the Southern States should never be inter- 
fered with." 2 

Many of these Democrats had hoped with Koerner that 
the Democratic State and National conventions would 
adopt platforms such as Anti-Nebraska men could consist- 
ently stand upon. But in vain. The Democratic State 
convention, held at Springfield, on May I, had passed 
strong "Nebraska" resolutions. They maintained that 
"Congress has no rightful authority to establish or pro- 
hibit slavery in the States and Territories," and expressed 
the belief that "the only sure guarantee for the public 
tranquillity is by a strict adherence to the provisions of 
the Constitution and by non-intervention upon the sub- 

1 Letter to the editor of the "Illinois Banner," of Peoria; quoted also in 
the "Chicago Press," May 13, 1856. 

2 Koerner's letter to the "Belleville Advocate"; quoted also in the "Chi- 
cago Journal," March 10, 1856. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 201 

ject of slavery, applying alike to the States and Terri- 
tories." ' 

In addition, to please the South, they advocated "entire 
and absolute equality among all the States," urging that 
it was not "competent for the Congress or any other 
power to impose upon new States coming into the Union 
any conditions or restrictions in respect to their domestic 
institutions or internal concerns, which the Federal Con- 
stitution has not imposed upon the original States." 

They close by commending Mr. Douglas for the 
"manly, daring, and undeviating fidelity with which he 
has always maintained State sovereignty and National 
honor," and instructing their delegates to the National 
Convention at Cincinnati to support him for the Presi- 
dential nomination, in case his name were proposed. 2 

These resolutions destroyed the last lingering hopes of 
the Anti-Nebraska Democrats, 3 and accordingly, we find 
their leaders — such as Wentworth, Judd, Palmer, Baker, 
Allen, and Koerner — all active in the Bloomington Con- 
vention. 4 

John M. Palmer was made president, and the meeting 
proceeded as quickly as possible to business. Bissell and 

1 Colonel Richardson (a Douglas supporter) wrote to the "Richmond 
Inquirer" at that time: "We must, in the Cincinnati Platform [National Demo- 
cratic ], repudiate Squatter Sovereignty and expressly assert State Equality. 
We must declare that it is the duty of the General Government to see that no 
invidious or injurious distinctions are made between the people or the property 
of the different sections in the Territories. We do not mean to dictate. It 
may be that the assertion in the platform of the abstract proposition of State 
equality may suffice to carry along with it the consequences which we desire. 
.... It must appear from our platform that we maintain practical Mate 
equality and repudiate that construction of the Kansas-Nebraska act which 
would defeat it." Quoted also in "Chicago Democratic Press," May 7, 1856. 

2 "Chicago Democratic Press," May 7, 1856. 

3 The Democratic National convention passed similar resolutions at Cincin- 
nati on June 2, and declared that the "only sound and safe solution of the 
slavery question" was in the principle of "non intervention by Congress with 
slavery in State and Territory and in the District of Columbia." Democratic 
Platform, 1856. 

4 Several of the counties revolted from the Democratic party as soon ns 
the Springfield platform had been made known; for example, Peoria, Madison, 
and Cook. "Chicago Press," May 24, 26, 1856. 



202 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Hoffman were unanimously nominated amid great enthu- 
siasm. The remainder of the State ticket was formulated 
by a nominating committee, of which Lincoln was chair- 
man, and adopted without alteration. A State Central 
Committee numbering five was appointed to call further 
conventions if necessary, fill vacancies, and direct the 
coming campaign. The resolutions passed show little 
alteration from the Anti-Nebraska platform suggested by 
the editorial convention at Aurora. It was, however, 
conceived purposely in a liberal spirit, and contained only 
the broadest antislavery expansion principles. In this way 
the support of all classes of antislavery men was secured, 
and all the elements of slavery opposition were united in 
one powerful party. One thing only of importance was 
added, namely, that the admission of Kansas on the Con- 
stitution adopted by the people should take place immedi- 
ately. The convention further urged the formation of 
Anti-Nebraska clubs and praised the recent work of 
Trumbull in the Senate. 

When the business had been disposed of, speeches 
were made by O. H. Browning of Quincy, Owen Love- 
joy, and B. C. Cook of Ottawa. 1 But it was left to 
Abraham Lincoln to make the most telling address and to 
raise the audience up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. 
He spoke for an hour and a half, holding the assembly 
spell-bound by his irresistible logic, his earnestness, and 
his brilliant forensic oratory. When he finished, the 
"audience sprang to its feet and gave cheer after 
cheer." 2 

This remarkable speech was the first of a series of for- 
ensic triumphs which were to win for him a national 

1 "Chicago Press," May 31, 1856. 

5 Quoted from the correspondent of the "Press" who was present. "Press," 
May 31, 1856. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 203 

reputation as an orator and thinker. In it he defined his 
position on the slavery question fairly and fearlessly, and 
took his stand firmly as the uncompromising enemy of 
slavery expansion. 1 The abolitionists hesitated no longer. 
They hastened to give him their support, and the Anti- 
Nebraska advocates began to rally about him as the un- 
doubted leader of the new party in Illinois. 2 

The contest of 1856 was a noteworthy one, and full of 
promising signs for the new party. The National Repub- 
lican party had put John C. Fremont and William L. 
Dayton in nomination for President and Vice-President at 
its Philadelphia convention on June 17. But to the 1111— 
noisans, the real interest centred in their Gubernatorial 
and Congressional elections, since the election of a Demo- 
cratic President seemed rather a foregone conclusion. 

The Republicans of Illinois — or "Anti-Nebraskans," 
as they yet preferred to call themselves — made great exer- 
tions to carry their State ticket and to elect their candi- 
dates in the first four (Northern) Congressional districts. 
Each candidate took the stump and canvassed his own 
district thoroughly. 3 In addition, many prominent men 
from without the State — like General Nye of New York, 
N. P. Banks of Massachusetts, J. P. Hale, and Governor 

1 This Bloomington speech seems never to have been printed, so we are 
forced to judge of its contents from meagre newspaper report. 

2 Mr. Eastman has recorded an interview about this time between himself 
and Mr. Herndon, Lincoln's law partner. Mr. Eastman visited Springfield to 
assure himself and his abolition friends as to Mr. Lincoln's real position on 
the slavery issue. Mr. Herndon assured him that Lincoln was all right. "He 
has been," he continued, "an attentive reader of your paper for several years; 
he believes in the Declaration of Independence, and .... he is well 
posted. That he might get all sides of that question. I take Garrison's "Liber- 
ator,'' and he takes the "National Era" and the "Western Citizen " Although 
he does not say much, you may depend upon it, Mr Lincoln is all right; when 
it becomes necessary, he will speak so that he will be understood. And," con- 
cludes Mr. Eastman, "he did speak, too, at the Bloomington convention. 
After this there was no longer any opposition to Mr. Lincoln from the most 
radical of the abolitionists." "Anti Slavery Agitation in Illinois," page 671, old 
edition of Blanchard's "Illinois," 2, 3. (See page 265.) 

3 For the particulars of this campaign, see "Chicago Journal," October 6 to 
November 1, 185b; "Tribune" and other papers of same date. 



204 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Robinson of Kansas — were induced to come and assist in 
the campaign. Among the local orators who traversed 
the State in the interests of the Republican party, Lincoln 
and Trumbull were the most effective and the most 
popular. 1 

Anti-Nebraska clubs were organized in many places, 
parades indulged in, and enthusiastic mass meetings held 
out of doors in groves or public squares. The result in 
November was such as to gladden the heart of every 
Republican. Although the State went Democratic in the 
national contest, the Republicans were completely suc- 
cessful in the election of State officials, 2 and they elected 
Republican Congressmen in the first four Congressional 
districts by large majorities. 3 This was the first time in 
the history of Illinois that the Democrats had failed to 
secure a majority in the State elections, and that any other 
party had ever elected its entire State ticket. The 
Republicans were justly proud of this achievement, and 
on Wednesday evening, December 10, a great banquet 
was held at the Tremont House, in Chicago, in celebra- 
tion of this memorable victory. Lincoln, Lovejoy, 
Turner of Freeport, James Miller, J. J. Beardsley, and 
B. C. Cook delivered rousing speeches, and great enthu- 
siasm prevailed. 4 

This triumph in 1856 gave the new party in Illinois 
immense prestige within the State, and inspired its mem- 
bers to more extensive efforts. Heretofore it had been 
merely a "Union" party of heterogeneous elements work- 
ing together to prevent the expansion of slavery. Yet, 

1 Lincoln made about fifty speeches. Morse's "Lincoln," Vol. I., page 112. 

2 Vote for Governor was: Democratic, 110,584; Republican, 111,372. "Chi- 
cago Journal," November 21, 1856. 

3 "Chicago Journal," November 24, 1856. 

4 "Chicago Journal," December, 11, 1856, and "Tribune" of same date. 



FREE SOIL, DEMOCRATIC, REPUBLICAN 205 

how nobly the elements had stood together! The abo- 
litionists led by Owen Lovejoy, the Whigs headed by 
Lincoln and Yates, and the Anti-Nebraska Democrats 
inspired by Palmer, Judd, and Wentworth, had labored 
in the greatest harmony and unison throughout the cam- 
paign. Every leader realized fully that the victory was 
due to the efforts of each faction and to the unity of all. 
Confidence in the new party took possession of every lover 
of freedom. Present success seemed but the promise of 
future triumph, and the chief result of the campaign of 
1856 in Illinois proved to be the welding of all the anti- 
slavery elements firmly into one great, harmonious organi- 
zation, which in time became the State Republican party. 
This outcome is to be attributed largely to the agitation 
incident to the Nebraska Bill. It is extremely unlikely 
that any such union would have been effected at this time 
if that measure had not been passed through Congress. 1 
"Two years ago," said Mr. Lincoln, at Springfield, in 
1858, "the Republicans of the Nation mustered over thir- 
teen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the 
single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with 
every external circumstance against us. Of strange, dis- 
cordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the 
four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, 
under the constant fire of a disciplined, proud, and pam- 
pered enemy." 2 

1 "I am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the country, and I 
know it has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. 1 believe .... 
it has endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the 
Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the time in the belief that Slavery 
was in the course of ultimate extinction." "Debates," page 18; Chicago 
speech. 

2 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 5. Compare with statement on page 
106. 



CHAPTER XII. 

LATER SLAVERY AGITATION AND THE 
LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES. 

The united "Anti-Nebraska" or Republican party in 
Illinois was placed on a permanent footing in 1 856. The 
strength of its numbers and the comparative harmony of 
its elements promised well for its future success. In the 
months and years immediately following its establishment, 
events came thick and fast, which increased the deep- 
seated opposition to slavery extension, stirred the intense 
agitation on that subject to ever-increasing proportions, 
and drew into the new party innumerable recruits. These 
occurrences form a part of the great national slavery 
agitation, and can be only briefly referred to here. Their 
effect upon the people of Illinois as regards the slavery 
problem was much the same as in all the Northern States. 

The most important of these incidents were: the at- 
tempt to force the Lecompton Constitution and its sub- 
stitute, the "English Bill," on the people of Kansas, the 
border warfare in the same State, the assault on Senator 
Sumner of Massachusetts by Representative Brooks of 
South Carolina, and the famous Dred Scott case. The 
Supreme Court, in rendering its decision in this Scott 
trial, declared that Congress could not prohibit slavery in 
the Territories. 1 This aroused violent criticism through- 
out the North. Many antislavery men, like Lincoln, 2 were 
convinced that this was but one step in an organized con- 

1 19 Howard 393, Scott vs. Hanford. 

* Springfield speech, June 17, 1858, "Debates," pages 3, 4. 

206 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 207 

spiracy to extend and perpetuate slavery. The Republican 
and Anti-Douglas press in Illinois condemned the decision 
in strong terms. Conventions were held in the Northern 
sections, and resolutions that were directed against the 
Lecompton Constitution and the Dred Scott decision 
were adopted. 1 

While this controversy was raging, the time for the 
election of Congressmen drew near once more. In addi- 
tion, Senator Douglas's term would soon expire, and thus 
a Senatorial election would be necessary in 1858. Doug- 
las was a candidate for reelection, and the only choice of 
his party. Ere long it was evident that the Republicans, 
too, had but one candidate for the same office. On June 
5 the Republicans of McLean County, in a convention, 
suggested Abraham Lincoln as the Republican nominee 
for Senator, for, they said, "We need a big man with a 
big mind and a big heart to represent our big State." 2 

Other Northern counties were not slow in following 
this example, 3 and at the Republican State convention, 
held at Springfield on June 16, it was unanimously re- 
solved amid great enthusiasm: "That Honorable Abra- 
ham Lincoln is our first and only choice for United States 
Senator, to fill the vacancy about to be created by the 
retirement of Honorable Stephen A. Douglas." 4 

The platform adopted included the support of the 
Federal Constitution, non-interference with slavery in the 
States where it then existed, prohibition of slavery in 
the Territories, a denunciation of the (then) present ad- 

1 "Chicago Democratic Press," June 12-17, and "Journal," April 1 to 
June, 1858. 

2 "Chicago Democratic Press," June 12, 1858. 

3 "Chicago Democratic Press," June 17, 1858 (Shelby County), and June 12 
(Cook County), etc. 

*The Cook County Delegation had brought into the convention a banner 
bearing the words: "Cook County for Lincoln." On the motion of a delegate 
this was changed to read: "Illinois for Lincoln." 



20S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

ministration on account of the "Lecompton" affair, and 
the condemnation of "the principles and tendencies of the 
extra-judicial opinions of a majority of the Judges of the 
Supreme Court ' of the United States in the matter of 
Dred Scott." It is noticed here that no aggressive policy 
is outlined. No detailed program is laid out, by means 
of which the extension of slavery should be checked, 
other than the freeing of the Territories. Nor is there 
any suggestion of an attempt to abolish slavery entirely. 
Such a thing was never considered for a moment. 

On such a comparatively simple platform Lincoln 
began the celebrated political canvass which ended in the 
Lincoln-Douglas debates. When the business of the 
Springfield convention was over, he made a speech which 
defined clearly his position on the slavery question, and 
laid down the chief issues of the forthcoming campaign. 
He began with these now famous, oft- quoted words: "I 
believe this government cannot endure permanently half 
slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be 
dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do 
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one 
thing or all the other. ' ' 2 

Then, beginning with the Nebraska bill, he showed in 
a clear and concise argument how step by step through 
that measure, the Kansas frauds, the election of Buchanan, 
and the Dred Scott decision, a systematic and organized 
effort was being made to extend and perpetuate slavery. 
"Put this and that together," he added, "and we shall 
have another nice little niche, which we may ere long see 
filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that 

1 Because it affirmed that the "Federal Constitution extends slavery into 
all the Territories of the Republic, and so maintains it that neither Congress 
nor the people through their Territorial legislation can by law abolish it." — 
"Chicago Democratic Press," June 19, 1858. 

2 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 1. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 209 

the Constitution of the United States does not permit a 
State to exclude slavery from its limits." ' 

The only way to put a stop to this was by overthrow- 
ing the existing Democratic administration, and placing the 
control of the government in the hands of the Republican 
party. A careful selection of leaders was imperative to 
secure such a result. Men of sterling character and 
undoubted antislavery principles should be chosen: 
"Those whose hands are free — whose hearts are in the 
work — who do care for the result." 

Finally, with unquestionable faith in the justice of his 
cause, and sublime confidence in its ultimate triumph, Mr. 
Lincoln concluded: "We shall not fail if we stand firm; 
we shall not jail! Wise counsels may accelerate, or mis- 
takes delay it; but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to 
come." 2 

After the adjournment of Congress in June, 1858, Mr. 
Douglas repaired to New York, where he remained till the 
1st of July, carefully maturing, Napoleon-like, his plans 
for the coming Senatorial canvass in Illinois. In addition, 
he wished to give his friends ample time to complete the 
necessary arrangements for insuring a successful cam- 
paign. 3 

The first act in this great drama was the "triumphant 
entry" of Senator Douglas into Chicago. He came from 
New York via the Michigan Southern railway as far as 
LaPorte, Indiana, which he reached on the afternoon of 
Friday, July 9. There he entered a carriage and was 
driven over to Michigan City, where a special train was 
waiting to convey him into Chicago and to land him near 

1 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 4. 

s "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 5. 

3 New York correspondent to "Press," on July 2, 1858; quoted in same, 
July 10, 1858, and accompanying editorial. Mr. Lincoln in Springfield speech, 
July 27, 1858; "Debates," page 58. 



210 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the Tremont House. He was escorted from the station 
by two companies of militia, a band of music, and a great 
concourse of people. Bells were rung and fireworks set 
off. A few moments later he appeared on the balcony 
of the hotel, from which he delivered a long and eloquent 
speech to the people who thronged the streets and side- 
walks below, and filled the windows of the surrounding 
buildings. It is estimated that some twelve thousand 
persons heard him. Men of all parties — Democrats, 
Republicans, abolitionists — were among the crowd. 1 

Senator Douglas's remarks on this occasion were 
devoted chiefly to an explanation of his conduct in Con- 
gress with reference to the Lecompton Constitution, and 
to an attack upon Lincoln's recent Springfield speech. 
In reference to the latter, he asserted that Mr. Lincoln, 
in saying that our government could not endure half slave 
and half free, was advocating "clearly a war of sections, 
a war of the North against the South, of the free States 
against the slave States — a war of extermination to be 
continued relentlessly until the one or the other shall be 
subdued, and all the States shall either become free or 
become slave." As a second point of criticism, he dis- 
tinguished Mr. Lincoln's interpretation of the meaning 
and effect of the Dred Scott decision as "a crusade 
against the Supreme Court." 2 

The following evening Mr. Lincoln replied to Senator 
Douglas from the same balcony. 3 On that occasion there 
were about nine thousand people in attendance, most of 
whom were friendly to him and his party. He was 
greeted with a perfect storm of applause, and as soon 

1 For description of Douglas's reception at this time, see "Press," "Jour- 
nal," "Times," and "Tribune, July 10, 1858. 

2 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 9. 

3 See "Press" and other Chicago papers, July 12, 1858. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 21 1 

as partial quiet was restored, he delivered an apt, logical, 
and eloquent answer to the arguments of the Senator. In 
these speeches the main issues were clearly defined, about 
which the "battle royal" would be waged throughout the 
summer and fall. These were, "popular sovereignty" 
and the "Dred Scott decision," considered in relation to 
the slavery problem. 

From Chicago Judge Douglas journeyed to Joliet, 
Williamsville, Bloomington, and Springfield, making 
speeches at each place. 1 He rode in a special train, the 
baggage-car of which bore the words, "Stephen A. 
Douglas, the Champion of Popular Sovereignty." On 
the rear platform of the last car there was a brass six- 
pounder which announced the arrival and the departure of 
the popular hero. Mr. Lincoln followed, heard him speak 
at Bloomington on July 16, and answered him at Spring- 
field on the 17th. Then there ensued a correspondence 
between the two gentlemen, begun by Mr. Lincoln. It 
was finally agreed to hold joint debates in seven of the 
chief towns of Illinois, namely, at Ottawa, Freeport, 
Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg, Quincy, and Alton. 2 
One of them was to open the debate with an hour's 
speech, then the other to reply for an hour and a half; 
and then the first speaker to have a half an hour in which 
to reply. As proposed by Mr. Douglas, this arrangement 
gave him four openings and closes to Mr. Lincoln's three, 
but Mr. Lincoln raised no serious objection, and the agree- 
ment was sealed. 

The two men about to begin this forensic contest 
differed greatly in physique, in character, and in talent. 
Mr. Lincoln was tall, lank, and somewhat awkward, but 

1 For detailed account, see "Press" and "Times," July 19, 1858. 

2 See the complete correspondence in the "Debates," pages 64-66. 



212 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

dignified in his bearing, and serious in his delivery. Mr. 
Douglas was short, stout, round, and of full countenance, 
and possessed an easy, graceful delivery. He was not 
only a great orator, but he was also a consummate debater. 
He was a master in all the strategies and expedients of 
forensic warfare. It was most difficult to trip him up or 
to hold him to a point. He seems to have lacked in origi- 
nality and logic, but he made up for this by his wonderful 
power of distorting his opponent's arguments and making 
them seem highly disproportionate in form and ridiculous 
in logic. No one knew better than he how to master an 
audience, and as a speaker, he was powerful, alert, bril- 
liant. He was ready in repartee, witty, and aggressive, 
but in criticism he was severe and patronizing by turns. 

On the other hand, Mr. Lincoln's power lay chiefly in 
his straightforward and convincing logic, his deep earnest- 
ness, and his ready wit. Although not a graceful orator, 
he was impressive and majestic. He possessed a remark- 
able power of analysis, and worked out in concise thought 
almost unanswerable arguments based on historic facts, 
Constitutional Law, and political ethics. He strove ear- 
nestly and industriously to find the truth — to ascertain the 
real and fundamental principles involved in the slavery 
question and its solution. When once his mind was clear 
as to these principles, he defended them with an honest 
zeal and a directness of logic born of a thorough convic- 
tion of religious duty. While fair and decorous in his 
treatment of an opponent, he was ever ready with some 
humorous sally that irritated his antagonist, but delighted 
his audience. 

In addition, it must be remembered that Mr. Douglas 
was then a man of national reputation and the recognized 
leader of the Democratic party. For nearly ten years he 




STEP HEX A. DOUGLAS 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 213 

had been the most striking figure in political circles, and 
he had the support of the organized Illinois Democracy ' 
behind him. Mr. Lincoln was scarcely known outside his 
own State, yet his honesty, his powers of argument and 
of oratory, and his earnest opposition to slavery exten- 
sion had won him considerable repute in Illinois. His 
friends felt confidence in him, and looked forward to this 
contest, believing their protege would not prove unworthy 
of their trust. He himself was not ignorant of the great 
task before him, and he has jocosely described the relative 
standing of Douglas and himself at the opening of the 
debates. "Senator Douglas," he said, "is of world-wide 
renown. All the anxious politicians of his party, or who 
have been of his party for years past, have been looking 
forward upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be 
the President of the United States. They have seen in 
his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, 
marshalships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and 
foreign missions, bursting and sprouting out in wonderful 
exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. 
And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture 
so long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken 
place in the party, bring themselves to give up the charm- 
ing hope; but with greedier anxiety they rush about him, 
sustain him, and give him marches, triumphal entries, and 
receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest 
prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. 
On the contrary, nobody has expected me to be President. 

1 Mr. Douglas had lost the confidence of his constituency somewhat in 1854 
(see above. Chapter XI. 1, but his popularity with the masses was still great. 
It began with his first great Chicago speech, August 4, 1838, and was founded 
deservedly on his numerous and important services to his party and his State. 
Together with Judge Breeze he was the promoter of the first railways in 
Illinois, and the champion of all the great schemes for the internal improve- 
ment of the State, between 1840-1855. For an impartial description of his 
political work, see the "Chicago Times," August 19, 1877, article called "By- 
gone Days." 



2 14 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

In my poor, lank face nobody has ever seen that any cab- 
bages were sprouting out. These are disadvantages all, 
taken together, that the Republicans labor under. We 
have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principle 
alone. I am, in a certain sense, made the standard-bearer 
in behalf of the Republicans. I was made so merely 
because there had to be some one so placed — I being in no 
wise preferable to any other one of the twenty-five, per- 
haps a hundred, we have in the Republican ranks 

We have to fight this battle without many — perhaps with- 
out any — of the external aids which are brought to bear 
against us." ' 

Under such circumstances the great debates began. 
One contestant, supported by the enthusiastic and devoted 
adherents of a thoroughly organized and powerful Democ- 
racy, fought to maintain his great name, to defend his 
political theories, to reestablish his prestige in the State, 
and to strengthen his influence in the national Democ- 
racy, with a view to securing the Presidency in i860. 
The other, sustained it is true by many local and influ- 
ential friends, but resting his chief confidence in a poorly 
organized and equipped party composed of somewhat dis- 
cordant elements, fought for principle, justice, and honor. 2 

The first meeting was held on August 21 at Ottawa. 
Early on that morning all the roads leading into the town 
were white with the clouds of dust that arose from the 
crowds of teams pouring into the place from far and near. 
Large delegations came by train from Galena, Peoria, 
Quincy, Rock Island, Bloomington, Springfield, Alton, 

1 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page 55. This was uttered in his speech at 
Springfield on July 17, 1858. 

2 For excellent and detailed portraits of Lincoln and Douglas, see Nicholay 
& Hay, "Lincoln," "Century" for July, 1 87; Von Hoist, "History of United 
States," Vol. VI. , Chap. 6: Blaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," Vol. 1., page 
145, and following; Morse, "Lincoln," Vol. 1., etc. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 215 

and other places. A train of seventeen cars arrived about 
eleven o'clock from Chicago with Mr. Lincoln on board. 
Seated in a carriage decorated by the ladies of Ottawa, he 
was escorted by a band and a great procession of people 
to the Mayor's house. After a short address from the 
veranda, thanking the people for his kind reception, he 
repaired inside to rest and to dine. 

Mr. Douglas was given a like though possibly not so 
demonstrative a reception, and escorted to the Geiger 
House. 1 By 2:30 in the afternoon a vast concourse of 
some twelve thousand persons had assembled to hear the 
discussion, which was opened promptly by Mr. Douglas. 
He was greeted with applause, and listened to with eager 
attention and interest. Occasional cheers and bursts of 
applause interrupted the gifted Senator, but they were 
moderate when compared to the storm of applause that 
greeted Mr. Lincoln when he arose to reply. But Lin- 
coln was among friends, since Ottawa was in the very 
heart of the strongest antislavery section of the State. 
Nevertheless, his eloquence and forcible logic raised his 
audience to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. 2 After the 
debate they carried him to the train on their shoulders. 3 

Similar demonstrations attended the other six joint 
debates. Enthusiasm prevailed everywhere. Enormous 
crowds — varying from five thousand to eighteen thou- 
sand people (with the exception of Jonesboro) — were 
in attendance. 4 Music, processions, banners, and fire- 
works were indulged in. Both candidates were well 

1 For account of doings at the Ottawa Debate, see the "Chicago Press 
and Tribune," August 23, 1858. 

- "Press and Tribune," August 23, 1858. 

3 Lincoln in his Jonesboro speech, "Debates," page I2g, 130. 

■•The "Press and Tribune" gives the attendance as follows: Ottawa; 
12,000; Freeport, 15,000; Jonesboro, 1,400 to 1,500; Charleston, 12,000 to 15,000. 
Galesburg, 18,000; Quincy, 12,000; Alton, 4,000 to 5,000; October iS, 1858. 



2i6 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

received everywhere, but Mr. Lincoln seems to have 
received most of the applause. 1 The participants con- 
fined themselves in the debates to a few great central 
issues, and much of their first arguments was repeated 
at each successive contest. Mr. Lincoln, however, did 
succeed, from time to time, in introducing some new 
evidence and additional weighty arguments, but Senator 
Douglas, though he was able in most cases to find 
answers to his opponent's points, failed to bring forward 
much that was original or new. He accused the Republi- 
cans of scheming to abolish slavery ultimately in the States 
as well as in the Territories, of desiring negro equality and 
amalgamation, 2 of advocating the immediate repeal of the 
Fugitive Slave Law, and the abolition of slavery in the 
District of Columbia, and of attacking the Supreme Court 
of the United States, because they disapproved of the 
Dred Scott decision, and he argued that his plan of popu- 
lar sovereignty, if rightly carried out, would settle success- 
fully and amicably the slavery question. 3 

Mr. Lincoln replied that the Republicans had no inten- 

1 For description of these debates see "Press and Tribune," "Times" or 
"Journal," August 23 to October 18, 1856. Some of the banners carried by the 
Republicans at these debates were very amusing. At Freeport, for example, 
there were these: "Carroll County for Abe Lincoln," "Winnebago County 
for Old Abe." At Charleston there was one, "Coles County 400 majority for 
Lincoln"; on the back of which was a picture of Mr. Lincoln plowing corn, 
and entitled, "Old Abe, 30 years ago." The Champaign County delegation, 
which came to hear him at Monticello, had a banner bearing these words: 
"Champaign for Old Abe is Real Pain for Dug." 

2 On this point he said at Ottawa: "Do you desire to turn this beautiful 
State into a free negro colony in order that when Missouri abolishes slavery 
she can send 100,000 emancipated slaves into Illinois to become citizens and 
voters on an equality with yourselves.' If you desire negro citizenship, if you 
desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the while man, if 
you desire them to to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them 
eligible to office, to serve on juries and to adjudge your rights, then support 
Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizen- 
ship of the negro. For one, 1 am opposed to negro citizenship in any and 
every form." "Debates," page 71. In the same speech he says that Lincoln 
believes the negro his "equal, and hence his brother," and adds: "Lincoln has 
evidently learned by heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism." — "Lincoln-Douglas 
Debates," page 71. 

3 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," Chicago, Ottawa, Freeport and Jonesboro 
speeches. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 217 

tion whatever of disturbing slavery in the Southern States, 
and that, in regard to negro equality, "there is no reason 
in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the 
natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the 
white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my 
equal in many respects — certainly not in color, perhaps 
not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right 
to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which 
his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal 0] Judge 
Douglas, and the equal of every living man. 1 All I ask 
for the negro is, that if you do not like him, let him alone. 
If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy." 2 

Mr. Lincoln did not favor the unconditional repeal of 
the Fugitive Slave Law, but rather a removal of its most 
irritating features. Slavery should be gradually abolished 
in the District of Columbia, provided a just compensation 
were paid "to unwilling owners." He was not opposed 
to the Dred Scott decision as such, but as a "rule of 
political action" that the people and all departments of 
the government must follow. 3 

In regard to "popular sovereignty," Mr. Lincoln 
showed that it was inconsistent with the decision of the 
Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case — at least as far as 
slavery was concerned. "Can the people of a United 
States Territory," he asked Senator Douglas, at Free- 
port, "in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen 
of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior 
to the formation of a State Constitution?" 

To this Mr. Douglas replied: "I answer emphatically 

1 "Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 75. 
1 "Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 63. 
3 "Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 61. 



2l8 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

.... the people of a Territory can .... introduce it, 
or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery 
cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is sup- 
ported by local police regulations. Those police regula- 
tions can only be established by the local legislature, and 
if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect repre- 
sentatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation 
effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. 1 
If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislature will 
favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision 
of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, 
still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or 
a free Territory is perfect and complete under the 
Nebraska bill." 2 

It is generally admitted that in thus disregarding the 
Supreme Court decision in the Dred Scott case — as ap- 
plied to the Territories — Mr. Douglas lost his hold on the 
Southern Democrats, and thereby injured his chances for 
the Presidency. 3 His reply to Lincoln's question was not 
a direct answer, but rather a sophistical evasion which, if 
generally accepted, would have deprived the South of all 
the advantages of the Dred Scott decision. The South- 
erners were accordingly enraged, and believed that Senator 
Douglas had deliberately deserted a principle he was 
pledged to support. This completed the rupture between 
the party leaders, begun over the Lecompton Constitu- 
tion, and made possible the complete division of the 
Democratic party in i860. 4 

1 "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," page go. Question 2. Mr. Lincoln proposed 
four question* for Mr. Douglas's consideration and answer, at Freeport. 

2 "Lincoln Douglas Debates," page 95. (Freeport Joint Debate.) 

3 See Nicholay & Hay, "Lincoln," in "Century," for July, 1887, page 394; 
Morse, "Lincoln," Vol I., page 142; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," Vol. 
VI., page 292, and following; Blaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," Vol. 1., 
page 148; Wilson, "Epochs of American History," page 202, etc. 

"Speech of Senator J. P. Benjamin, of Louisiana, in Senate, May 22, i860; 
quoted by Nicholay & Hay, "Century," July, 1887, page 395. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 219 

Furthermore, Mr. Douglas seems to have injured his 
reputation somewhat by his careless or intentional error 
in entirely misquoting the Anti-Nebraska platform adopted 
at the Springfield convention in October, 1 854. In his 
Ottawa speech he quoted this, and declared that Lincoln 
was a party to it. Mr. Lincoln showed that this was a 
bogus platform, never adopted at Springfield, but con- 
cocted by the editor 1 of the "Springfield Register." 
Then, too, his plain misstatement of facts — as when he 
said that Lincoln was carried off by his friends at Ottawa 
because too weak and frightened to stand — told against 
him. 

These seven joint debates were but a section of the 
Illinois political canvass in 1858. That canvass was with- 
out doubt the greatest political campaign ever conducted 
in this Stated Besides the speeches already referred to, 
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas travelled over most of the 
State for a period of a hundred days (from July 9 to 
November 2), making speeches everywhere. 3 The Con- 
gressional candidates and the nominees of both parties for 
State offices all took the stump. The Republican party 
was more active than ever before. J. M. Palmer, Judge 
Trumbull, Oglesby, Blair, Conklin, Yates, B. C. Cook, 
and others were kept busy addressing the people. Hecker 
and Carl Schurz made speeches to the Germans. 

In October Governor Chase and Ex-Governor Johnson 
of Pennsylvania arrived to share in the work. 4 The result 
was a victory for both parties. The Republicans elected 

1 A friend of Mr. Douglas. 

2 The "Press and Tribune," October 15, 1858, calls it "the most brilliant 
and successful political canvass ever made in the country." 

3 "Last year in the Illinois canvass, I made just 130 speeches." Douglas's 
Wooster, Ohio, speech, quoted by Nicholay & Hay, "Century," July, 1887, 
page 369, note. 

* "Press and Tribune," August 20, October 28, 1858. 



220 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

their State ticket by a majority of some four thousand 
votes, 1 and their Congressional candidates in the first four 
districts by large majorities. 2 The Democrats elected the 
remaining Congressmen, and returned Mr. Douglas to the 
Senate by a vote of fifty-four to forty-six on the joint 
ballot in the Legislature. 3 

There are several reasons why Mr. Douglas should 
have come out so successfully in this campaign. 4 The 
chief of these was the fact that the existing legislative 
apportionment was greatly in his favor. It had been 
framed by the Democrats on the Census of 1850, and it 
was calculated that under ordinary circumstances, Mr. 
Douglas would control a majority of three in the Senate 
and nine in the House at least. The increase in popula- 
tion since 1850 was largely in the Northern portion of the 
State, and accrued to the advantage of the Republicans, 
but it availed them little under the old apportionment. 
This alone was enough to insure the defeat of Mr. Lincoln. 

In addition, the Democratic forces were better and 
more efficiently organized than the Republicans, the per- 
sonal popularity of Judge Douglas was still very great, 
and his cooperation with Chittenden and Seward in defeat- 
ing the Lecompton plans of the Buchanan administration, 
together with the consequent opposition of that adminis- 
tration to him in this campaign, won him innumerable 
votes, as it was felt that he was running in opposition to 
the proslavery party. His adroit methods of "making 
light of the Dred Scott decision" which the Republicans 

1 "Press and Tribune," November 18, 1858: Miller's (Rep.) majority, 4,025. 
Republican majority on Congressional election, 4,144. 

'Vote as given in "Press and Tribune" (Rep. majority): 1st District, 
9,414; 2d District, 8,639; 3d District, 7,443; 4th District, 2,711. 

3 "Press and Tribune," November 5, 1858. 

* "Press and Tribune," November 5, 1858, for the causes of Lincoln's 
defeat, from a Republican standpoint. 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 221 

were striving to make the chief issue of the campaign, 
contributed not a little to the favorable result. 

As to the outcome of the personal encounter between 
him and Mr. Lincoln, it has been universally admitted 
that in principle, in self-control, in logical argument, Mr. 
Lincoln had the advantage. On the other hand, it must 
be admitted that no one then living could have made a 
more brilliant or masterful defense than did Senator 
Douglas under the peculiar circumstances in which he 
stood. 1 

The efforts of Mr. Lincoln in this canvass, and in the 
speeches he made the following year in Ohio and the East, 
brought him before the American people in an unexampled 
manner. From a somewhat obscure politician in Illinois, 
he awoke up to find himself one of the foremost antislav- 
ery leaders and popular orators in the United States. 
Thus was made possible his nomination for the Presidency 
by the Republican party at Chicago, in May, i860. 3 

The history of the campaign of i860 and its outcome 
are well known. They need not be detailed here. It is 
perhaps sufficient to recall to mind the fact that the elec- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln was made possible by a division in the 
Democratic ranks — the Northern section supporting Mr. 
Douglas and the Southern Mr. Breckenridge. In Illinois 
the Republicans carried both the National and State tick- 
ets amid great enthusiasm and excitement. 4 

During the critical years that followed, Illinois stood 

1 See "Blaine," Vol. I., page 148, and following. 

2 The editor of the "Press and Tribune," in an editorial "Closing the Can- 
vass," October 29, 1858, wrote: "He entered upon the canvass with a reputation 
confined to his own State; he closes it with his name a household word wher- 
ever the principles he holds are honored, and with the respect of his opponents 
in all sections of the country." 

3 He was nominated on the third ballot by 364 votes out of a total of 466, 
Mr. Seward being the chief competitor. "Press and Tribune," May 19, i860. 

* Lincoln's majority over Douglas was 11,996. "Press and Tribune," 
November 19, i860. 



222 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

faithfully by her great son, and Stephen A. Douglas led 
the Northern Democracy to the support of Mr. Lincoln in 
the dark days of 1861. 

With the organization of a new and powerful political 
party, and the election of a President pledged to the ulti- 
mate extinction of slavery, the long period of slavery 
agitation drew to a close. The question was henceforth 
not one of political action, but of military force. The 
labors of the antislavery men had at length met with a 
well-deserved reward. It is not pretended here that the 
abolitionists brought about the final abolition of slavery 
in the United States, but their work contributed not a 
little to that end. 

The antislavery men exerted an influence in two ways 
— morally and politically. For a period of over twenty 
years they agitated the subject of slavery throughout the 
North. They denounced it as a sin and a disgrace to the 
Nation. It is true that they were despised and hooted at 
when they began their labors, and that their zeal and 
exalted devotion to one idea often led them into the advo- 
cacy of measures too radical for the time, and of theories 
which savored too much of fanaticism — and perhaps of 
religious enthusiasm — to meet the approval of their fellow- 
citizens. 

Their opponents took advantage of their errors to mis- 
represent them wilfully and woefully and to hold them up 
to ridicule. The abolitionists were, however, honest in 
their convictions, and ever faithful in the performance of 
what seemed to them an imperative duty. They were 
convinced that, in the main, they were right. It was a 
question of principle with them, not of men or of meas- 
ures, and they proposed to fight it out on that line to the 
end. In the course of time these antislavery men, work- 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 223 

ing through the press, the pulpit, and the stump, created 
the beginnings of an antislavery sentiment. It was small 
at first, but each year saw it increasing in strength and 
widening in influence. Steadily, earnestly, energetically, 
the abolitionists worked in each Northern State until in 
each section the people had been aroused to feel that 
slavery was a great moral and political evil. Then they 
joined hands from State to State throughout the North, 
worked with more harmony, unison, and organization, and 
at length saw their antislavery doctrine gradually meeting 
with some degree of universal acceptance. 

Politically also their influence was considerable. At 
first they abstained from voting, but it was not long before 
they realized that only through political action could they 
expect to make any real headway against the evil of slav- 
ery. 1 Not being able to join with any of the existing 
political parties, because they did not recognize the slav- 
ery issue in their platforms, the antislavery men organized 
a party of their own on the single plank of opposition to 
slavery. In all the various forms of their political action 
— in the Liberty, the Free Soil, and the Free Democratic 
parties — they were aiming at the same result — the limita- 
tion and ultimate extinction of slavery. It was not many 
years before their vote was felt and sought for. In many 
sections they came to hold the balance of power, so that 
no candidate dared to run without declaring his position 
on the slavery question. By the election of a few capable 
Senators and Congressmen, they exerted an influence in 
national circles that was not to be despised. 

It required much moral courage and great devotion to 

1 Referring to Lincoln, Mr. Eastman once said: "He is a politician, as 
every man must be who holds an important office, and such men, and only 
such, can kill slavery, because .... the life of slavery is its political 
power." Lecture on the "History of the Antislavery Agitation in the United 
States," read at Fishponds, near Bristol, England. Unpublished MS., page 44. 



224 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the cause to vote year after year for men whom it was 
impossible to elect. It was not an easy thing to work on 
term after term in the face of discouraging odds, in- 
numerable obstacles, and irritating limitations — the least 
of which was the lack of financial facilities — and then, to 
be laughed and jeered at for one's pains. Enough cannot 
be said in praise of the self-sacrifice, the patient perse- 
verance, the conscientious devotion to duty, the high sense 
of political honor, and withal, the genial liberality of these 
men. Never disheartened, but with unalterable faith in 
the justness and righteousness of their cause, they labored 
on confident of the ultimate victory of the right. 

When at last they cast their votes for Lincoln and saw 
him elected, they felt that their day of triumph had come. 
AH the devotion, the self-sacrifice, the labor, the trials, 
the discouragements, the hopes, and the triumphs of 
twenty years were concentrated in that ballot. It was a 
vote that paid. No citizen of the United States ever felt 
before or since such a sense of genuine pleasure and of 
just reward in any political act as an old-time antislav- 
ery man did sharing in the election of Abraham Lincoln. 1 

The abolitionists of Illinois shared the burden of agi- 
tation with their Eastern brethren, and long years of 
patient toil elapsed before the great political leaders of 
the State were ready to join hands with the Liberty men. 

Much has been said and written in praise of Lincoln, 
Palmer, Trumbull, Yates, Oglesby, Judd, and others who, 
realizing that the slavery problem was a question of prin- 
ciple, of justice, and of national honor, threw themselves 

1 "It was just a twenty years' campaign with me. During that time I never 
voted with the least hope of success for my candidate, high or low, until I voted 
for Lincoln. That 1 voted with an emphasis. My political purchase for twenty 
years culminated in that vote. 1 feel now completely compensated for the 
twenty years' ostracism from political life." Unpublished MS. of Mr. Z. East- 
man — "Lecture on Political Questions of the Day." 



LATER SLAVERY AGITATION 225 

into the contest with a zeal and devotion worthy of such 
a cause, and succeeded in carrying Illinois for the Republi- 
can party and for liberty. But sufficient justice has not 
yet been done the work of such self-sacrificing and con- 
scientious men as Z. Eastman, Owen Lovejoy, I. Codding, 
and James Collins, who, in the midst of persecution, pov- 
erty, and tremendous difficulties, cleared the ground and 
prepared the way for the results of i860. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE PROGRESS OF SENTIMENT ON THE 
NEGRO QUESTION. 

1840-1875. 

Before 1840, and for several years after, the negro 
had no legal status in Illinois. He was an ostracized indi- 
vidual, existing, by the sufferance of the people of 
Illinois, without citizenship and without social recognition. 
Before the Illinois Supreme Court decisions of 1843 and 
1845 there were three classes of negroes: indentured ser- 
vants (those serving out a limited period of time) ; French 
slaves (a few negroes bound to perpetual servitude) ; and 
the free colored people. This distinction was made as 
late as December, 1845. 1 The condition of the inden- 
tured negroes and of the French slaves has already been 
described. Also, the story of how they acquired their 
freedom has been told. Therefore we will here confine 
our remarks to a discussion of the free colored people and 
their status in Illinois before the Civil War. 

As we have seen, negroes in the early forties were not 
allowed to vote, 2 to sue for their liberty in the courts, 3 to 
serve as witnesses, 4 to hold property, 5 to serve in the 

1 The negro population of Madison County was reported in December, 
1845, as follows: ''tree males, 223; free females, 209; indentured, 3, and unin- 
dentured (French), 8." — Alton Telegraph, December 6, 1845. See also Statutes, 
1829, Act to Provide for the Census, Sec. 3, passed January 13; approved 
March 8, 1845; Revised Statutes, 1845, same three classes described. 

2 Constitution of 1818, Art. 12, Legal Voters: "All -white male inhabitants 
above twenty-one years of age and actual residents of the State." 

3 Illinois Statutes, 1829, "Act on Negroes," etc., passed January 17, Sec. 4. 
First acquired by negroes through the case of Jarrot vs. Jarrot in 1845. 

* Illinois Statutes, 1827, "An Act Concerning Practice." Sec. 3, dated Feb- 
ruary 2. 

6 This was regulated by custom rather than by any measure of the Legisla- 
ture. The people of Southern and Central Illinois were bitterly opposed to any 

226 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 227 

State militia, 1 or reside in the State without showing a 
certificate of freedom at some County Commissioner's 
Court and giving a thousand dollars bond that they would 
never become a county charge. 2 

Public offices of every kind were closed to them. For 
the most part, schools, academies, and colleges were not 
open to them. There were few trades or lines of employ- 
ment in which it was easy for them to secure work. Lest 
they should attempt to form alliances with the whites, 
which might tend to give them some sort of social stand- 
ing, intermarriage between the negroes and the white 
people was forbidden under severe penalty. 3 With the 
exception of Chicago and one or two other sections in the 
northern part, and Eden — with possibly Upper Alton and 
Belleville — in the southern portion, they were not well 
received, but on the contrary abused and ill-treated. 
Even in the places where they were well treated, it was 
only the few who had any regard or consideration for 
them, their rights, or their welfare. 

"Despised and rejected of men," the poor colored 
people realized that freedom in Illinois was not without 
its drawbacks. They were allowed to exist free, it is 
true. No one could force them into slavery, but the 
people of Illinois granted them little else. The great 
majority of citizens did not care to see Illinois an out- 
and-out slave state, nor were they anxious to see the 

holding of lands by negroes, and even to any settling of them in the State. 
The attitude of the framers of the proposed constitution of 1561-2 shows this 
plainly. See Art. XV11I., page iog8, of the Journal of 1861. 

1 Illinois Statutes, 1826, January 25; "Act for the Organization and Govern- 
ment of Militia." Sec. 1, confined to "All free white male inhabitants" between 
eighteen and forty-five years. See same in Constitution of 1818 and 1845, under 
Malitia. 

2 Illinois Statutes, 1826, January 17, "Act on Negroes," etc., Sec. 1. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, 1829, January 17, "An Act on Negroes," etc., Sec. 3. 
Also a severe penalty was to be inflicted upon any officer of the State who 
should grant a license or marry any negro to a white. This was a blow pri- 
marily at the abolitionists, who were falsely said to have advocated "amalga- 
mation" 



22S NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

existing condition of the negro improved or changed. 
But rather, as was said so many times later during the 
fifties, they preferred just to let him alone — to let him 
enjoy his "right" to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness" as best he might. 

This policy of "Laissez jaire" however, could not go 
on forever. It was shaken to its foundations a few years 
later, when the abolitionists and other antislavery men in 
force began to travel up and down the State advocating 
equality, citizenship, education, and moral training for 
the negro. But it was a long time before the policy of 
the State really changed, or the status of the colored 
people radically altered. So slow has been the movement 
toward granting complete equality that in some sections 
of the State there has been but little advance over the 
conditions of 1840-1845. Indeed, it is extremely doubt- 
ful whether they will ever acquire anything like complete 
equality in the southern portion of this State. 

The presence of the free negro in the State has always 
been a source of irritation and discomfort to the people 
of Illinois, especially to those living south of Springfield. 
One of the most vexatious and troublous problems that 
his existence here has forced upon our citizens is the 
question of negro education. Shall he be educated at all? 
and if so, shall he be educated together with the white 
children, or in schools provided especially for him? These 
questions were asked and discussed when schools and 
colleges were first founded in the State. They have been 
questions of vital importance ever since; and to-day in 
some parts of Southern Illinois the final solution of them 
has not yet been reached. 

When, on January 15, 1825, the Legislature passed 
"An Act to Provide for the Establishment of Free 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 229 

Schools," they decreed that a common school should be 
established in each county which should "be open and 
free to every class of white citizens between the ages of 
five and twenty-one." 1 From that time until 1872 the 
Legislature has persisted in recognizing the public schools 
as institutions for white children only. 2 In the special 
acts to incorporate schools in the various towns and cities 
it was always the white children who were to be benefitted. 
This was true as late as 1869, 3 and in places as far north 
as Naperville. 4 Not satisfied with closing the public 
schools to the negroes, the legislators went a step further. 
In December, 1826, they passed a law concerning the 
apprenticeship of children, in which it was provided: 
"That the master or mistress to whom such child shall be 
bound as aforesaid shall cause such child to be taught to 
read and write and the ground rules of arithmetic, .... 
except when such apprentice is a negro or mulatto." 5 This 
was kept in force until the Supreme Court of the State 
declared the holding of negro apprentices illegal, in 1845. 6 
Furthermore, the legislators seem to have had no com- 
punction about compelling the free negroes to pay taxes 
for schools from which they derived no benefit. 7 It was 
not until 1855 that any notice appears to have been taken 
of this injustice. In that year the Legislature provided 

1 Statutes of Illinois, January 15, "An Act to Provide for the Establishment 
of Free Schools," Sec. 1. 

2 Statutes of Illinois, 1872. "Act to Establish Schools," dated April 1, is the 
first which fails to use the word white. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, 1869, March 24 — Tuscola Union, Douglas County. 

4 Statutes of Illinois, 1863, June 13 — Naperville Graded Schools. 
'Statutes of Illinois, 1S26, December 30, "Act respecting Apprentices," 

Sec. 4. 

6 This Section of the Act on "Apprentices" appears for the last time in the 
Revised Edition of Statutes of Illinois, 1845, approved March 3, 1845. 

7 The "Alton Telegraph" published an editorial on April 14, 1853, praising 
Ohio for establishing schools for colored children, and criticising Illinois for 
taking money from the blacks to educate the white children; but to no pur- 
pose. The Legislature and people paid no heed. 



230 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

that: "In townships where there are persons of color the 
Board of Trustees shall allow such persons a portion of 
the school fund equal to the amount of taxes collected for 
school purposes from such persons of color, in their re- 
spective townships." 1 The ostensible purpose of this 
regulation would seem to have been the establishment of 
free schools for the negroes. But no other provisions 
were made to secure such an end. Nor does the State ever 
appear to have seriously attempted any such movement. 2 

We must not conclude from what has just been stated 
that the negroes were entirely precluded from enjoying 
the advantages of a common school education before the 
war. In the early days, when schools were first being 
established in the State, there were two notable exceptions 
at least, among the numerous institutions for "white chil- 
dren between the ages of five and twenty-one." The 
earlier of these exceptions was the public school at Alton. 
This was incorporated in 1 82 1 by an Act which provided 
that "every child of suitable age" should attend. 3 This 
would not necessarily imply that colored children were 
intended to be included in the word "every." But when 
we remember that until three or four years ago, when the 
city officials of Alton by skilful management shifted all 
the colored scholars into two schools where they were to 
be taught by themselves, the white and the negro children 
attended the same schools, we may then safely conclude 
that the first school was open to both. At any rate, if 
this was not so at the very first, it was not many years 
before colored children were tolerated in the Alton public 
schools. 

'Statutes of Illinois, 1885, School Act, Sec. 79-81, dated February 15. 

"The State Superintendent ot Schools, at Springfield, possesses to-day no 
data even on the colored schools in the State. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, "An Act for Appointing Trustees for the Town of 
Alton," approved January 30, 1822. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 231 

The second exception, and the earliest case it would 
seem, where the intention to admit negroes was clear and 
decided, was the Hamilton Primary School in Jersey- 
County. This was founded by Dr. Silas Hamilton, who 
left by his will, dated the 20th of October, 1834, 1 four 
thousand dollars, of which two thousand was to be used 
to erect a suitable 2 building and two thousand was to be 
reserved as an endowment fund for the support of a 
teacher. 3 There seems to have been some little delay in 
getting the institution started, but it was finally incorpo- 
rated by the State Legislature on February 1, 1840. In 
that act it was provided that "the said school shall be 
open to all classes of people and denominations of Chris- 
tians." 4 This was in accordance with the wishes of Dr. 
Hamilton, who, we are assured by those who have had 
charge of the finances of this school for years, desired 
that the negroes of the district might enjoy the advantages 
of education. A number of colored children attended it 
during the forties and fifties, 3 as well as a goodly number 
of white children, some of whom came later to be num- 
bered among Illinois's most prominent sons. 6 

As the years went on and the antislavery sentiment 
grew powerful in Northern Illinois, the colored people 
were suffered to attend the public schools without moles- 

1 This will was probated at Carrollton (Greene County), and a copy of part 
of it may be seen in the County Records at Jerseyville, Jersey County, 111. 

2 "Suitable for a school and for a place of worship," reads the will. 

3 And "for the benefit of my friends and relations in this neighborhood," 
reads the will. 

* Statutes of Illinois, 1840 — "Act to Establish Hamilton Primary School," 
approved February 1. 

6 One of these — George Washington Hamilton — inherited a considerable 
sum of money from Dr Hamilton, and being thrifty and capable, he accumu- 
lated quite a little fortune before he died. He left Si, 500 to build a monument 
for his master and benefactor, and Sio.ooo to educate negro people. This fund, 
now amounting to about Si8,ooo, is under the control of a committee of five, 
and supports from three to seven negroes annually at the Hampton Institute 
in North Carolina. 

6 Such as Hon. T. S. Chapman, S. V. ("Deacon) White, Levi Sidway, Gen- 
eral John Hamilton, Judge Stillwell, and others. 



232 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

tation or question in many places. In the matter of higher 
education the attitude of the Illinoisans towards the free 
colored people was practically the same as it was regard- 
ing their admittance to the public schools. In the "Act 
to incorporate Jerseyville Academy" — one of the earliest 
of the academies to be founded — it was provided that 
"the Academy, when erected and in operation, shall at 
all times be open for the use and privilege of any free 
white person within the United States." ' 

Similar provisions are to be found in the acts of incor- 
poration of many other academies, 2 and also in the General 
Act "to incorporate Academies and Seminaries of Learn- 
ing, " 3 passed March 6, 1843. 4 It is true that many of 
these academies 5 and practically all the colleges 6 were, 
like Alton College (now Shurtleff), "open to all persons 
of good morals." 7 This sounds well, but if we could 
visit every one of these institutions and investigate their 
records which antedate i860, we should doubtless find 
very few, if any, that actually admitted colored students 
within their walls before that date. For, in many sec- 
tions, negroes were very far from being considered as 
"persons of good morals," and there seems to have been, 
throughout the State, except in the strong abolition cen- 

1 Statutes of Illinois, 1837, March 1: "An Act to incorporate Jerseyville 
Academy." 

2 See Statutes of Illinois: 

1837, February 24: "An Act to incorporate Rushville Academy." 
1841, February 27: "An Act to incorporate Juliet Academy" (Will Co.). 
1841, February 27: "An Act to incorporate Naperville Academy." 
1839, March 2: "An Act to incorporate Warren County Male and Fe- 
male Seminary," etc. 

3 These were replaced later by our present system of high schools. 
♦Statutes of Illinois, 1843; also in Revised Statutes, 1845, and approved. 

6 Statutes of Illinois, 1836-7-40; Lacon, Gramicle, Griggsville, Peoria, Pitts- 
field, Quincy Academies, etc. 

6 Statutes of Illinois, 1833-40; "Union," "McDonough," "Belvidere," 
"Knox," "Stonington," "Hanover," "St. Mary's," "Rush, etc. 

'Statutes of Illinois, 1833; "An Act to incorporate Alton College," 
approved March 1, Sec. 7. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 233 

tres in the north, a most decided opposition to the educa- 
tion of colored people. 

Previous to the sixties there was but one serious at- 
tempt made to secure the admission of the negro to the 
public schools. The committee on education at the Con- 
stitutional convention of 1847, of which John M. Palmer 
was a leading member, proposed to introduce a clause in 
the new Constitution authorizing the General Assembly 
to provide a system of common schools "equally free to all 
the children of the State." 1 This was ruled out, how- 
ever, in the convention, and no real change occurred in 
the situation until the schools were made free to all — 
white and black alike — in 1872. 2 

As the antislavery propaganda began to find support 
in Illinois, petitions were sent to the Legislature, asking 
for the repeal of the "Black Laws," which practically 
ostracized the negro. 3 No heed was paid to them. All 
the agitation of the abolitionists for twenty years could 
effect nothing on this point. In fact, the antipathy of 
the whites for the negroes, and the desire to keep the 
colored people out of everything — politically and socially 
— seem to have increased with the growth of the agitation 
for their freedom. 

Mr. Kitchell, in the Illinois Senate in 1829, struck the 
keynote of the policy toward the free negroes, which was 
to be carried out consistently and persistently by the lead- 
ers of the State's politics until the close of the Civil War. 
He said: "Their residence among us, even as servants, 
.... is productive of moral and political evil 

1 Report of the committee, section 3; J. M. Palmer's Unpublished Memoirs, 
1847, pages 8 and 10. 

2 Statutes of Illinois, 1872: "Act to Establish and Maintain a System of Free 
Schools." 

3 See the "Western Citizen," February q, 1843; January 16, 30, 1845; Sep- 
tember ig, 1848; 'Chicago Journal." December 3, 1844; January 9, 1845; Sep 
teraber 15, 1848, and many others 



234 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The natural difference between them and ourselves forbids 
the idea that they should ever be permitted to participate 
with us in the political affairs of our government." ' The 
immigration of negroes into the State was therefore to be 
discouraged, since it would be a great calamity to have 
Illinois overrun with free blacks who, if allowed to vote, 
might get the control of the Government into their hands. 
This was the attitude not only of the residents of South- 
ern Illinois, but also of nearly every good Democrat in the 
State. 2 

Although nothing was done by the Senate in that year 
(1829) to forbid the settling of free negroes in the State, 
the Legislature began at once to place obstacles in their 
way. Ten days after Mr. Kitchell's speech, an act was 
passed making it obligatory upon every free colored per- 
son desiring to reside in the State to show a certificate 
of freedom and to give a thousand-dollar bond that he 
would keep the laws and never become a County or State 
charge. 3 

In 1 83 1 it was provided further that no colored person 
should be allowed to enter the State until he had first 
shown a certificate of freedom and given the required 
bond. 4 It would have been most difficult to enforce this, 
as it would have entailed an extensive system of police 
along the boundary of Illinois. There is no evidence 
that the attempt was ever made to put this regulation 
into effect, yet it shows the spirit of the Legislature. 

The House in 1845, by way of answer to the numer- 
ous petitions for the repeal of the "Black Laws" just 

1 Senate Journal, 1828-29. page 182. 

'The same attitude was assumed later by such Democratic leaders as 
S. A. Douglas, J. Wentworth, and J. A. Logan. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, 1829, "An Act on Negroes," etc., Sec. 1. 
* Statutes of Illinois, 1831, "An Act on Negroes," etc. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 235 

then pouring into the Legislative halls, declared that "the 
laws prohibiting the marriage of whites and blacks ought 
not to be repealed, and that free negroes ought not to be 
allowed to vote." 1 

By 1847 the sentiment had grown strong in favor of 
prohibiting entirely the immigration of free negroes into 
the State. In June at the Constitutional convention 2 of 
that year, Mr. Singleton read a petition 3 praying for action 
against the free negroes, and proposed that the introduc- 
tion of free colored persons into the State be prohibited, 
and that the question be submitted to popular vote. 
Accordingly, in Article XIV. of the proposed Constitution 
of 1848, the Legislature was empowered to pass acts at its 
first session, which shall "effectually prohibit free persons 
of color from immigrating to and settling in this State." 4 

The vote on this article was taken separately, and in 
spite of the labors of the antislavery men, the "Western 
Citizen" and a number of Whig and Democratic papers, 
it was adopted by a majority of 28, 182. 5 In addition, 
the Constitution of 1 848, which denied the right of suf- 
frage and of service in the State militia to the negro, 6 was 
approved by a majority of 44,028 votes. 7 

The question now was, Would the Legislature really 
enact laws to prevent the immigration of free blacks into 
Illinois? The people were not kept long in waiting. In 
January, 1853, Mr. John A. Logan brought forward a 
bill 8 making the introduction of a free colored person into 

1 House Journal, 1845, January 8 or g; also "Chicago Journal," January 11. 
5 Held at Springfield. 

3 Signed by H. G. Grimsley and five others. 

4 Convention Journal, pages 95-6. 

B Official returns given in "Western Citizen," April 25, 1848. 
• Constitution of 1848, Articles VI. (Sec. 1) and VIII. 

7 "Western Citizen," April 25, 1848. 

8 House Journal, 1853, page 271. 



236 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the State a crime punishable by a fine of one hundred 
dollars to five hundred dollars, and rendering any negro 
who came into Illinois liable, within ten days, to arrest 
and fine. If he had no money, he must serve out in labor his 
fine and the costs of the trial. After some debate, in which 
Mr. Logan was prominent, the bill passed the House on 
February 5, by a vote of forty-five to twenty-three, 1 and 
the Senate approved it on the nth by a majority of four. 2 

The framers of this law had evidently two purposes in 
view. In the first place, they wished to satisfy their own 
and their constituents' desires in regard to keeping the 
colored people out of the State. In the second, they 
wished to conciliate their Southern neighbors. This 
latter object they thought to accomplish by a special pro- 
vision in the new law, giving owners the right to "claim, 
prove, and take back" their fugitive slaves on payment 
of the costs. 3 It was intended, moreover, as a blow at 
the abolitionists; and the success of the measure is to be 
entirely credited to the Democratic party, at that time in 
control of the Legislature, which hated the negro as much 
as it did every species of antislavery agitation. 

The passage of the act raised an intense and extended 
discussion all over the State. In the northern part, 
numerous mass meetings were held and the bill was univer- 
sally condemned. The press was quite generally opposed 
to it, and outspoken in its condemnation. Only a few 
Democratic sheets, devoted to the administration, at- 
tempted any defense. 4 But, while the Free Democrats, 

'House Journal, 1853, pages 363-4,442-3. Mr. Logan of course voted for 
this measure, and a few days before he voted, with an enormous majority of 58 
to 7, not to repeal the "Black Laws " Journal, page 364. 

'Senate Journal, 1853, February 11. The Governor signed the acton the 12th. 

3 Statutes of Illinois, 1853: "An Act to Prevent the Immigration of Free 
Negroes into the State." Sections 1-9. 

4 The "Alton Telegraph" claimed, March 12, 1853, that the "Quincy Her 
aid" and the "State Register" (Springfield) were the only ones that supported 
the law. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 237 

Northern Whigs, and many Democrats united in criticis- 
ing it, it is doubtless true that the majority of citizens 
were not opposed to such a law in general. Many thought 
the provisions of this Act of 1 853 too radical and too 
stringent. Some, like that conservative Democratic 
paper, the "Alton Telegraph," feared that it might virtu- 
ally establish slavery in Illinois. 1 But the general senti- 
ment seems to have been that it was unconstitutional, and 
that it could not and would not be enforced. 2 

The question naturally arises, Was the Act of 1853 
ever put in force? Yes. At least three cases 3 of the 
arrest and sale of negroes are reported within a year of 
its passage. The actual sale of the last of these did not 
take place, because the negro in question was a fugitive, 
and by a writ of habeas corpus, his case was brought 
before Judge Skinner almost immediately. The Judge 
declared that Section VIII. of the Act of 1853 was illegal 
and void, since it assumed to legislate on a subject over 
which Congress had been granted exclusive control by the 
Constitution of the United States. 4 

The negro was accordingly discharged from custody; 
but while this decision nullified one part of the law of 
1853, the remainder continued in force until January, 
1864. At that time, the Illinois Supreme Court decided, 
in the case of Nelson vs. the People, 5 that the sale of 
a negro under the Act of 1853 did not reduce him to 
slavery. Finally, just as the Civil War was closing, 

1 Issue of February 21, 1853. 

2 See "Alton Courier, ' March 4, 1853; also "Chicago Journal," "Press," 
"Galena Jeftersonian," "Belleville Advocate, " etc., oi about the same date. 

3 See "Chicago Journal," July 1, 1853; "Nashville Monitor," "Galena Jef- 
fersonian," August i, "Quincy Whig," November 24; also "Belleville Advo- 
cate" and "Alton Telegraph,'' December 9, 1853, Dec. 14, 1853. 

4 Judge Skinner based his judgment upon the decision of the Illinois Su- 
preme Court in Thornton's case. Illinois cases, page 332. 

c 33 Illinois, page 3go. 



238 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the General Assembly repealed the much-controverted 
measure. 1 

In spite of all the agitation incident to the passage and 
enforcement of the law of 1853, and the triumph of the 
Republican, or Anti-Nebraska, party, in 1856, the attitude 
of the majority of Illinoisans toward the negro, per se, was 
not materially changed. They were perhaps willing to 
allow negro residents the privilege of remaining in the 
State, provided they obeyed the laws and were peaceful. 
But they still had no desire to make them citizens, to let 
them hold office, possess property, or attend the free 
schools. Nor did they wish others to immigrate into the 
State. 

At the Constitutional convention held in Springfield 
in 1862, an article referring to negroes and numbered 
XVIII. was added on March 5 to the proposed Con- 
stitution. It read as follows: 

Sec. 1. "No Negro or Mulatto shall migrate or settle 
in this State, after the adoption of this Constitution." 

Sec. 2. "No Negro or Mulatto shall have the right 
of suffrage, or hold any office in this State." 

Sec. 3. "The General Assembly shall pass all laws 
necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this 
article." 2 

The first of these sections was adopted by a vote of 
57 to 7, 3 the second by 42 to 20,* and the last by a ballot 
of 45 to 18. 5 This article was to be submitted to a special 
vote of the people along with the Constitution, and each 

1 Statutes of Illinois, 1865, "An Act to Repeal Section 16," etc., approved 
February 7. 

2 Convention Journal, 1862, page iog8 (in Constitution) . 

3 Convention Journal, 1862, page 6g2. 

4 Convention Journal, 1862, page 693. 

6 The party strength in that convention was as follows: Democrats, 45; 
Republicans, 21; Fusionists, 7; doubtful, 2. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 239 

section was to be balloted on separately. The origin of 
this measure no doubt lay with the Democrats, who were 
in majority at the convention, yet it is interesting to note 
that the convention was nearly a unit in favoring the (first) 
section that prohibited negro immigration into the State. 
The popular vote on the proposed Constitution of 1862 
was taken in August of that year. Its result was most 
remarkable. The Constitution itself was defeated by a 
majority of 16,051 votes. 1 This was caused, partly by 
the disgust and distrust created in many minds by the 
unusual claims of supreme authority made by the Con- 
vention, and partly by the fear that such a strongly parti- 
san Constitution would throw the whole State Government 
completely into the control of the Democratic party. 2 
The vote on the negro article was entirely independent 
of that on the Constitution proper. The first section, 
prohibiting the immigration of negroes into Illinois, was 
approved by a majority of 100,590 votes; 3 the second — 
to prevent negroes from holding office and from voting — 
was adopted by the enormous majority of 1 76,271/ only 
35,649 voting against it; and the final section, authorizing 
the Legislature to make the laws necessary to enforce the 
above, was passed by 154,524 majority. 4 No better com- 
mentary than this vote can be found on the real attitude 
of the people of Illinois toward the negro at that time. 
They did not want him in the State. They were deter- 
mined to keep him out, and those of his kind who hap- 
pened to be already residing in Illinois they would let 
remain on mere sufferance, but would grant them none of 

1 Official vote as given in "Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862: see also in 
Davidson & Stuve's "Illinois," page 877. 

'See Davidson & Stuve's "Illinois," pages 872-7, and papers of the time. 

3 "Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862. 

4 "Alton Telegraph," August 15, 1862. 



240 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

the rights or privileges of citizenship. The result of the 
Civil War did not greatly affect the prevalent opinion on 
these points. The fact that a Republican State Legisla- 
ture repealed all the "Black Laws" and the Act of 1853, 
in February, 1865, 1 and within the next four years ap- 
proved the XIII. , XIV., and XV. amendments to the 
Constitution of the United States, 2 does not prove that 
the opinion of the majority of the people as to negro suf- 
frage and negro citizenship had materially changed. A 
few years could not bring about such a radical transfor- 
mation. Even the lapse of a quarter of a century has 
failed to bring about any universal transformation in this 
regard throughout the State. 

The question has long since ceased to be of political 
importance. In the centre and north of the State, the 
people have become accustomed to the presence of the 
negro in schools and in public life, and the subject of his 
right to citizenship has ceased to be discussed — even to 
be thought of. In the southern section, on the contrary, 
the question is still a vital one. The negro is despised 
and hated as of old, and if a vote could now be taken, it 
would doubtless be astonishing to find what a large pro- 
portion of our citizens — not only in the south, but among 
the more liberal residents of the centre and north of Illi- 
nois — would ballot to deprive the negro of the right to 
vote or to hold office. But why this long and persistent 
opposition to the poor colored man? The reasons are 
various. First, there was, and is, the deep-seated antip- 
athy of the white for the black. Then the idea prevailed 
for many years, that the introduct on of the negro into the 

1 Statutes of Illinois, 1865, February 7, "Act to Repeal Section 16," etc. 

- Approved the XIII. on February 1, 1865; the XIV. in January, 1867; and 
the XV. in 1869. See Statutes of Illinois, 1865, page 135; Statutes of Illinois, 
1869, page 417; House Journal, 1867, page 155. Senate Journal, 1867, page 7b. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 241 

State meant the influx of a vast colored population, 
together with the necessary granting to them of equality 
and citizenship with the whites. Such a possibility was 
regarded a grave misfortune for the State, should it ever 
occur. Further: opposition to the negro immigration 
and citizenship was one of the cardinal principles of the 
Democratic party, which controlled the politics of Illinois 
for so many years. The great strength of the Democracy 
lay in the never-failing support of the "Solid South" — 
the region (let us say) south of Springfield. The people 
of that region, as we have seen, were largely Southern in 
blood and sympathies. To them the idea of negro equal- 
ity was most obnoxious, and all plans for preventing an 
influx of blacks were most popular. The very presence of 
the colored people was irritating. These people, moreover, 
were as narrow-minded and stubborn as they were kind- 
hearted and hospitable. They have insisted upon retain- 
ing their dislike to the negro, and have never approved of 
granting him equality and citizenship. The presence of a 
large population thus predisposed and immovably grounded 
in its opposition to the person of the negro was a great 
barrier toward the elevation of the colored race in the 
State. Another thing doubtless played some part in re- 
tarding the "Pro-Negro" movement. The continuous and 
persistent agitation of the abolitionists aroused many of 
the citizens in all sections, but especially in the south 
of Illinois, to a more bitter opposition than ever to the 
poor colored man. Finally, many believed that it would 
be impossible to educate the negroes, and unwise by reason 
of their color and their capacities to allow them a share in 
the government with the white people. 

Since the war, the status of the negro has gradually 



242 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

improved in Northern and Central Illinois. He now 
occupies a place in society, holds public offices, exercises 
the right of suffrage, and sends his children to the public 
schools. He acquired these privileges only gradually, and 
after a struggle. It was necessary for the Legislature in 
1874 to pass an act laying a severe penalty on any person 
who should prevent colored children by force or intimida- 
tion from attending the free schools, before the negroes 
could avail themselves of that right in peace and security. 
Before that time a great deal of excitement and trouble 
ensued in many places — as in Springfield ' and in Jo 
Daviess County 2 — over admitting them to the High 
School and the public schools. Special schools for col- 
ored children were started in various places 3 and continued 
for a time, though it was hard at first to get teachers for 
them. The school question was largely settled in the 
north after the passage of the Act of 1874. 

In the southern part of Illinois, matters have not 
changed much, and lines are still very closely drawn. 
Colored schools exist in many places. Alton has forced 
its colored people out into schools by themselves. In 
some towns a colored man is not allowed to take up his 
residence 4 — hardly to stay over night. In others 5 an 
open feud exists between the races, and on the whole, a 
state of affairs very similar to that in the Southern States 

1 See 1st Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools, Springfield. There 
was considerable commotion caused in Springfield over the admittance of the 
first colored person — Gertie Wright— into the High School. She was ad- 
mitted on October 7, 1873. Mr. Brooks — Superintendent in 187-5 — gave me 
much interesting information on this point, and on the colored schools and the 
relation of the negroes to the schools in Springfield. 

2 "History of Jo Daviess County," page 363. 

3 In Springfield, December 21, 1858, to November 4, 1873. See "Report of 
Schools," page 85, and lollowing. In Vandalia, 1870-75. Testimony of Mr. 
Estercy, present Superintendent of Schools. 

* Testimony of A. C. Glenn, concerning his place of residence, Mar- 
issa, 111. 

6 CarterviIle, for example, where five negroes were shot down in the streets 
three years ago. 



SENTIMENT ON THE NEGRO QUESTION 243 

exists there. 1 The colored man finds it most difficult to 
get even justice or a slight regard for his rights, and the 
negro question still exists waiting for a solution. So, 
too, it awaits in the Southern States. How and when it 
will be solved no one can tell, but solved it must be before 
peace and concord can prevail throughout this State and 
this Country. The interests of humanity and of good 
government demand that the eminent and gifted states- 
men of our land should devote a portion of their time and 
energies to an earnest and enlightened endeavor to dis- 
cover some practical solution of this racial problem. 

1 Note the lynching at Danville in July, 1903. 



APPENDIX I. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

The present scattered state of the sources of Illinois history 
has rendered the task of consulting and obtaining authorities for 
this work a difficult one. The author does not claim to have dis- 
covered all the sources for the different periods of Illinois history 
under consideration. The following list of authorities is pre- 
sented merely as the result of a year and a quarter's research and 
of three months' travel, and it stands open to improvement, doubt- 
less, in many respects. 

The materials from which this work has been prepared have 
been found in the following places: Chicago Historical Society; 
Newberry Library (Chicago); Chicago Public Library; Wiscon- 
sin Historical Society (Madison); Cincinnati Public Library; His- 
torical and Philosophical Society of Ohio (Cincinnati); St. Louis 
Mercantile Library; Office of the "Missouri Republic" (St. 
Louis); Missouri Historical Society (St. Louis); State Historical 
Library, Springfield, 111.; Secretary of State's Document Room, 
Springfield; Public Library, Champaign, 111. (E. G. Mason Col- 
lection); Alton Public Library; Belleville Public Library; Office 
of the Alton Telegraph (Alton) ; Office of the Greenville Advo- 
cate; and the county seats 1 of Gallatin (Shawneetown), Madison 
(Edwardsville), St. Clair (Belleville), Jersey (Jersey ville) , Green 
(Carrollton), Bond (Greenville), Fayette (Vandalia), Randolph 
(Chester), Jackson (Murphysborough) , and Sangamon (Spring- 
field) counties. 

Information has also been secured from collections of news- 
papers and other material in the possession of the following per- 
sons: Miss F. Dolbee, Alton, 111.; Hon. Sidney Eastman, 
Chicago; the late Thomas Blanchard, Chicago; the late Hon. J. 
M. Palmer, Springfield; and from personal interviews or corre- 
spondence with Nathaniel Niles, Belleville; Benjamin W. West, 
Belleville; Rev. J. Wylie, Sparta; James Hood, Sparta; Chas. 

'County Clerks' offices. 

245 



246 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Carroll, Jr., Shawneetown; Hon. Theodore Chapman, Jersey- 
ville; Mrs. Zebina Eastman, Chicago; Thomas Dimmock, St. 
Louis; the late Hon. John M. Palmer, Springfield; Hon. R. W. 
Ross, Vandalia; Ezra Jenkins, Sr., Vandalia; Judge S. A. Phelps, 
Greenville; Rev. M.Jameson, D.D., Alton; Dr. Samuel Willard, 
Chicago; and G. M. McConnel, Chicago. 

As a matter of convenience, the sources are arranged in accord 
with four periods of Illinois History. 

PERIOD I.— 1719 to 1818. 
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. 

Lettres Patentes du Roy, Donn£es a Paris au mois d'Aoiit, 
1717, Portant etablissement d'une Compagnie de Commerce sous 
le Nom de Compagnie d'Occident ou la Louisiane. 

Lettres Patentes du Roy, 1 issued to M. Antoine Crozat, at 
Paris, on September 14, 1712. 

Ordinance of the Commissioners of the Council deputed by 
the King for the government of the India Company, 1 issued at 
Paris on September 2, 1721. 

Le Code Noir ou Recueil de Reglements, issued by Louis XV., 
at Versailles, in March, 1724. 1 

Laws of the First General Assembly of the Territory North- 
west of the River Ohio, Cincinnati, 1800; September to Decem- 
ber, 1799. 

Laws of the Indian Territory, 1801-1806; reprinted Poole, 
Ind., 1886. 

Laws of the Fourth session of the Governor and Judges of 
Indiana Territory, 1803. 

Laws of First Session of the General Assembly of Indiana 
Territory, 1805. 

Laws of the Territory Northwest of the River Ohio, 1788- 
1802; reprint, Cincinnati, 1833. 

Will Record Book, No. 1; 1816-1830, of the County Clerk of 
St. Clair County. 

Records and Indentures, No. I, of the County Clerk of Madi- 
son County, 1813-1818. 

'The originals of these 1 have been unable to find here in the West, but 
an English translation of the last two will be found in Dillon's Indiana. Vol. I., 
page 41, and following, and of the 1st in Wallace's History of Illinois and Louis- 
iana under French Rule, page 238. 



APPENDIX I. 247 

Record Book, "A." Register of Negroes of the County 
Clerk of Randolph County, January 27, 1809-December 23, 1818. 

Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Randolph County, 
No. 1, 1807-1814; No. 2, 1814-1824. 

Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Gallatin County, 
1814-1821. 

Records of the Court of Common Pleas, St. Clair County, 
No. I, April, 1798, to June 16, 1817. 

Records of the Court of Common Pleas, Madison County, 
No. 2, 1819-1825. (?) 

JOURNALS AND LETTERS. 

Journal of Captain Henry Gordon, 1766. In appendix to A 
Topographical Description of North America, by T. Pownall, 
London, 1776. 

The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants — Europeans 
and Indians — of Louisiana, by an Officer at New Orleans to his 
Friend at Paris, 1744. 

Letters of Vivier, dated November 17, 1750, and others, repro- 
duced in Early Jesuit Missions in North America, by William 
Kipp, Albany, 1866. 

Relations des Jesuites, edited by R. G. Thwaites. 

The Present State of the European Settlements on the Missis- 
sippi, by Captain Philip Pittman, London, 1770. 

Journal historique de l'etablissement des Franrais a la Louisi- 
ane, signed by Bernard La Harpe, in Historical Collections of 
Louisiana, edited by B. F. French, Vol. III. 

Jesuit letters, especially one dated at Ft. Chartres on Novem- 
ber 24, 1750, reproduced in Bannissement Des J.'suites de la 
Louisiane. Relation et Lettres inedites par Auguste Carayon, 
Paris, 1865. 

Clark's Campaign (Letters and papers of George Roger 
Clark) in Collections of the Historical Society of Kentucky, the 
Ohio Valley Series, Cincinnati, 1869. 

The St. Clair Papers, 2 Vols., edited by W. H. Smith, Cin- 
cinnati, 1882. 

Views of Louisiana, with a Journal, by H. M. Breckenridge, 
1814. 



248 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

NEWSPAPERS. 

Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1816 (May to December). 
Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1817 (January to December). 
Western Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1818 (January to May 20). 
Illinois Intelligencer, 1 Kaskaskia, 1818 (May 27 to December). 
Missouri Gazette, 2 St. Louis, Missouri, 1808- 1818. 
Liberty Hall and Gazette, 3 Cincinnati, Ohio, 1814-1816, 1818. 
Western Spy, 4 Cincinnati, Ohio, 1817-1818. 

NARRATIVE AND DESCRIPTIVE SOURCES. 

Topography of Virginia, by Thomas Hutchins, 1771. 

An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of 
Louisiana, by Thomas Hutchins, London, 1784. 

Voyage dans les deux Louisianes, in 1801, 2 et 3, par M. 
Perrin du Lac, 1805, Paris. 

Voyages dans l'lnterieur de la Louisiane, etc., 1802-1806, par 
M. C. C. Robin, Paris, 1807, 3 Vols. 

Description de la Louisiane, etc., Louis Hennepin, Paris, 
1683. 

Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales, M. Bossu, Paris, 
1768. 

Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the West, by James 
Hall, Philadelphia, 1835. 

Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, Fergus Historical Series, 
No. 12. 

Kaskaskia in 1800, article by J. Reynolds in Alton Telegraph, 
March 27, 1854. 

Western Gazetteer, 1817, 1819. 

The Early History of Illinois, W. H. Brown, Fergus His- 
torical Series, No. 14. 

T The Western Intelligencer changed its name on May 27, 1818, to the Illi- 
nois Intelligencer; rile in the Mercantile Library, St. Louis. 

'-' This file, which is in the possession of the Missouri Republic, of St. Louis, 
is far from complete. 

3 File in the Public Library, Cincinnati. 

*File in the Public Library, Cincinnati; also in Wisconsin Historical 
Society, Madison. 



APPENDIX I. 249 

GENERAL HISTORIES. 

Memoire historique et politique de la Louisiane, Vergennes, 
1802. 

Memoires historiques sur la Louisiane, Dumont. 

Histoire de la Louisiane, Du Pratz, 1758. 

Decouvertes et Etablissements des Fran9ais dans l'ouest, par 
Pierre Margry, Vols. III. and IV. and V., Paris, 1880 and 1883. 

History of Louisiana, Francois Xavier Martin, New Orleans, 
1827. 

The History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley, Tim- 
othy Flint, 1832. 

The History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of 
the Mississippi, J. W. Monette, 1846. 

Indiana, J. P. Dunn, Boston, 1888. 

Michigan, T. M. Cooley, Boston, 1885. 

Western Annals, J. M. Peck (2d edition of J. H. Perkins's 
Western Annals), St. Louis, 185 1. 

The Early History of Illinois, Sidney Breeze, 2d edition, 1884. 

The Pioneer History of Illinois, J. Reynolds, 1852. 

Missouri Gazetteer, Dr. Lewis C. Beck, 1823. 

The Old Northwest, Hinsdale, New York, 1888. 

The Westward Movement, J. Winsor, Boston, 1897. 

Narrative and Critical History of the United States, Winsor, 
Vols. IV. and V. 

The Winning of the West, Roosevelt, New York, 1899. 

History of Indiana to the Close of the Territorial Government 
in 1816, J. B. Dillon, Indianapolis, 1859. 

History of Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule, by 
James Wallace, Cincinnati, 1893. 

PERIOD II.— 1818-1824. 

DOCUMENTARY SOURCES. 

Records of Elections, No. I, Document Room, Springfield. 

County Records, see under Period I. 

Illinois Constitution of 1818. 

Journal of House (Illinois), 1823-1824; 1824-1825. 

Journal of Senate, 1 1823-1824 (portion quoted by Mr. Churchill 

1 There is no copy of the Senate Journal of 1823-4 now in existence. 



250 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

in his Annotations in the Alton Telegraph, and by Warren in the 
Edwardsville Spectator, 1823 1824). 

Journal of the Senate, 1824-1825. 

Annals of the Congress of the United States, 1787-1824, 42 
Vols., Washington, 1834 -1856. ». 

Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 29 Vols., Washington, 
1825-1837. 

LETTERS AND PAMPHLETS. 

Early Days in Madison County, 1 a series of letters to the 
Alton Telegraph in 1865, especially Nos. 29 (February 24) to 43 
(June 16), by Rev. Thomas Lippencott. 

Annotations, 1 a series of letters, Nos. 1-15, commenting on 
the above, by George Churchill, in the Alton Telegraph, March 
24 to August 11, 1865. 

Letter of Governor Coles to Mr. Lippencott, Alton Telegraph, 
February 24, 1865. 

Letter of Hooper Warren to Mr. Lippencott, Alton Tele- 
graph, March 3, 1865. 

Editorial on "Voice from the Past," by H. Warren in Genius 
of Liberty, December 19, 1840. 

Editorial on "Ford's Illinois," by H. Warren in Free West, 
December 21, 1854. 

Reminiscences, letters by H. Warren in Free West, May 3 
and 10, 1855. 

Peck and Coles, letter by H. Warren, in Free West, July 5, 
1855- 

1 Mr. George Churchill was a member of the Illinois House of Representa- 
tives in 1823-4, and the Rev. Thomas Lippencott was Secretary of the Senate 
during the same period. In 1865, upon request of some friends, Mr. Lippen- 
cott, who had published a pamphlet on Governor Coles (no copy of which I 
have been able to find), wrote a series of articles to the Alton Telegraph to 
make plain the contest of 1823-4 concerning slavery. Mr. Lippencott seems to 
have relied almost entirely on his memory for his facts. After Mr. Lippencott's 
letters began to appear, Mr. Churchill undertook to correct and enlarge upon 
Mr. Lippencott's articles in a series of letters which he ( Mr. Churchill) desig- 
nated as annotations. These annotations are extremely valuable not only 
because Mr. Churchill was a man very clear and exact in his statements, but 
also, and chiefly, because he substantiated his remarks with quotations from, 
and references to. the sources which he used. He speaks of his authorities as 
"a defective memory, a number of imperfect newspaper riles, and a very imper- 
fect diary kept only for a short period." (Alton Telegraph, March 24, 1865.) 
He seems also to have possessed a c >py of the Senate and House Journals for 
the Sessions of 1823-4, since he makes frequent quotations from them, giving 
page and date. 



APPENDIX I. 2 5 l 

Letters from J. M. Peck, on the struggle of 1823-1824; Free 
West, April 6, 12; May 3, 1855. 

Letter from George Churchill, on the contest of 1823-1824; 
Free West, December 12, 1854. 

The Early Movement in Illinois for the Legalization of Slav- 
ery, W. H. Brown, Fergus Historical Series, No. 4. 

Recollections of Early Illinois and her Noted Men, by Hon. 
Jos. Gillespie, Fergus Historical Series, No. 13. 

Ninian Edwards Papers, Chicago Historical Society Collec- 
tions, No. 3. 

Journal of a Journey in the West, J. Woods, 1820. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

The Spectator, Edwardsville, 1819 (May to December). 

The Spectator, Edwardsville, 1820-1826. 

The Illinois Intelligencer, Kaskaskia, 1819 (January to May 



12 



The Illinois Intelligencer, 1 Vandalia, February 20, 1821; 
October 12 and December 7, 1822. 

Star of the West, 2 Edwardsville, Nov. 30, 1822. 

Illinois Gazette, 2 Shawneetown, August 3, 1822. 

Illinois Republican, 2 Edwardsville, July 21, 1824. 

Missouri Gazette, St. Louis, 1819-1820. 

Missouri Republican, 3 St. Louis, 1821-1825. 

St. Louis Enquirer, St. Louis, 1819-1820 (series of odd num- 
bers). 

GENERAL HISTORIES. 

Sketch of Edward Coles, E. B. Washburne, Chicago, 1882. 

History of the English Settlement in Edwards County, Illi- 
nois, George Flower, Chicago Historical Society Collections, 
Vol. I. 

1 The Illinois Intelligencer was removed from Kaskaskia to Vandalia in 

* These fragments are in the Mercantile Library, St. Louis They were 
presented by the Rev, J. M. Peck, to that Library, together with the hie of the 
Edwardsville Spectator, named above. There are no other numbers of these 
papers now in existence, as far as 1 know. 

3 The Missouri Gazette changed its name to Missouri Republican in 1821, 
and is now the Missouri Republic. 



252 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The Pioneer History of Illinois, J. Reynolds, Belleville, 1852. 

The History of Illinois, Ford, Chicago, 1854. 

A Complete History of Illinois from 1637 to 1873, Davidson 
and Stuve, Springfield, 1874. 

Illinois, Historical and Statistical, Moses, Vol. I., Chicago, 
1889. 

History of Illinois and Life of Ninian Edwards, by his son, 
N. W. Edwards, Springfield, 1870. 

History of St. Clair County, Chicago, 1881. 

History of Randolph, Monroe, and Perry Counties, Philadel- 
phia, 1883. 

Good Old Times in McLean County, Dr. E. Duis, Blooming- 
ton, 1874. 

History of Jackson County, Philadelphia, 1878. 

History of Green County, Chicago, 1870. 

History of Edwards, Lawrence, and Wabash Counties, Phila- 
delphia, 1883. 

History of Madison County, Edwardsville, 1882. 

History of Pike County, Chicago, 1880. 

Early Chicago and Illinois, E. G. Mason, Chicago Historical 
Society Collections, No. 4, 1890. 

PERIOD III.— 1824-1840. 
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES. 

Constitution of 1818. 

Statutes of Illinois, 1818; 1819-1823; 1824-1839. 

State Records, see Period II. 

County Records, same as under Period I, and 

Record of Freedom Papers, Gallatin County, 1846-1862. 

Registry of Negroes and Mulattoes, St. Clair County, March 
26, 1846, to September 24, 1863. 

Slave Papers (in a tin box), preserved in County Clerk's office 
in Edwardsville, Madison County, 1831-1851. 

Records of the Probate Court of Sangamon County, No. B, 
1824-1840. 

Records of the Probate Court of Fayette County, 1820-1840. 

Records of County Clerk, No. B (Freedom Papers), Randolph 
County, 1825 to April 13, 1863. 



APPENDIX I. 253 

Deed Records, No. D, Jackson County, 1840-1843. 

Records of County Clerk of Madison County, No. 2, 1821- 
1825. 

Supreme Court Decisions, Reports, 1824-1836. 

Will Records of St. Clair County, No. 2, 1830 to 1840; No. 
3, 1840-1850. 

CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES. 

Memoir of Lovejoy, by his brothers, Alton, 1838. 
Alton Riots and Lovejoy, Edward Beecher, 1838. 
Notes on the Alton Trials, Lincoln, Alton, 1838. 
Lovejoy, article in the Alton Observer, December 28, 1837, 
by a friend of Mr. Lovejoy. 

The Mayor's Account of the Events of November 7, 1837, 
Alton Telegraph, November 15, 1837. 

Personal Recollections connected with the murder of Lovejoy, 
Rev. T. B. Hurlbut, 1 in Chicago Tribune, June 12, 1874. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

St. Louis Observer 2 (St. Louis), September 3, 1835-July 21, 
1836. 

Alton Observer (Alton and Cincinnati), "Extra," August 10, 
1836; September 8, 1836, to August 21, 1837; December 28, 
1837, to April 19, 1838. 

Alton Telegraph (Alton), 1836 1838; and June 28, 1845, article 
on "Editorial Reminiscences." 

Western Pioneer (Upper Alton), 1830 -1838 (especially issue 
of July 14, 1836). 

Missouri Argus (St. Louis 1, May to December, 1837; Janu- 
ary, 1838. 

Missouri Republican (St. Louis 1, 1835-1838. 

St. Louis Times 3 (St. Louis), August 14, 1830, to February 
18, 1832. 

Peoria Register (Peoria), 1837-1839. 

1 Mr. Hurlbut was a warm personal friend of Lovejoy and a participant in 
the events of November, 1837, at Alton. 

"The Observer, edited bv Love : ov, was published first in St. Louis, then 
in Alton, and after Lovejoy s death, by Elisha W. Chester, as editor, at Cin- 
cinnati. 

3 Mr. Lovejoy was one of the editors of this paper during the years 1830-32. 



254 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

Galena Advertiser (Galena), 1837. 

Sangamon Journal (Springfield), 1836 1838. 

Philanthropist (Cincinnati), July, 1837- 1838. 

The Liberator (Boston), July, 1837-1838. 

Missouri Saturday News (St. Louis), February 3, 1838. 

Cincinnati Gazette (Cincinnati), 1837-1838. 

Chicago American (Chicago), 1835-1838. 

Chicago Democrat (Chicago), 1837-1838. 

Alton Spectator (Alton), 1836. 

The Saturday Evening Chronicle (Cincinnati), 1837-1838. 

The Genius of Universal Emancipation (Hennepin), 1839. 

The Chicago Journal (Chicago), 1838. 

GENERAL HISTORIES AND PAMPHLETS. 

The Martyrdom of Lovejoy, H. Tanner, Chicago, 1881. 

Sketch of Enoch Long, Harvey Reid, Chicago Historical 
Society Collections, No. 2. 

Early Reminiscences of Alton, Lecture by Hon. Joseph Brown, 
delivered in the Alton Opera House on February 21, 1896. 1 

Address on Lovejoy, Thomas Dimmock, delivered on March 
4, 1888, in the Church of the Unity, St. Louis. 

Lovejoy, an article in the Missouri Republic (St. Louis), July 
23, 1871. 2 

Autobiography of Col. G. T. M. Davis, 8 New York, 1891. 

Alton in 1837, sketch descriptive, etc., published by S. August 
Mitchell, 1837. 

The Rambler, Sketches and Travels in the West, 1837. 

PERIOD IV.— 1840-1870. 

DOCUMENTARY SOURCES. 

Record of Elections, 1840-1860; Document Room, Springfield. 
Statutes of Illinois, 1836-1875. 
House (Illinois) Journal, 1840-1870. 

1 Mr. Brown was a boy in Alton in 1837, and witnessed much of the excite- 
ment on November 6 and 7. 

• This was compiled from data furnished chiefly by Mr. Dimmock, of St. 
Louis, who (it is perhaps in place here to add) was instrumental in securing 
the imposing monument to Lovejoy recently erected in Alton. 

3 Col. Davis was a prominent lawyer, who lived in Alton during the time of 
the riots of 1837. 



APPENDIX I. 255 

Senate (Illinois) Journal, 1840-1870. 

Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1847, Springfield. 
Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1861, Springfield. 
Journal of the Constitutional Convention, 1870, Springfield. 
Debates of the Constitutional Convention, 1870, Spring- 
field. 

Constitution (Illinois), 1848. 

Constitution (Illinois), 1870. 

The Congressional Globe, Washington, 1833-1873. 

The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, Columbus, i860. 

The Works of Abraham Lincoln. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

Genius of Universal Emancipation, Benjamin Lundy, Lowell, 
1839 (February 26 to September 18). 

Genius of Liberty, Z. Eastman and H. Warren, Lowell, 
December 19, 1840, to April 2, 1842. 

Western Citizen, Z. Eastman, Chicago, July 26, 1842, to Octo- 
ber 18, 1853. 

The Free West, Z. Eastman, E. Goodman, and H. Warren, 
Chicago, December 1, 1853-July 19, 1855. 

Alton Telegraph, Bailhache, Davis, and others, Alton, 1840- 
1870. 

Alton Courier (Alton), 1853 1855. 

Belleville Advocate (Belleville), 1850-1860. 

Greenville Advocate (Greenville), 1858-1860. 

The State Register (Springfield), 1847, 1856-1860. 

Chicago American (Chicago), 1835 1842. 

Chicago Journal, edited by the Wilson Brothers (Chicago), 
1844 i860. 

Chicago Democrat, owned by John Wentworth (Chicago), 
weekly, 1833-1850; daily, 1840-1850. 

Western Herald (Chicago), 1846-1847. 

Chicago Democratic Press (Chicago), 1852-1858. 

Chicago Press and Tribune (Chicago), 1858, controlled by 
McGill. 

Chicago Tribune (Chicago), 1848-1857, 1859-1865, 1874, June 
10-13. 

The Philanthropist (Cincinnati), 1836-1849. 



256 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

The Liberator (Boston), 1831-1841. 

The Emancipator (Boston and New York), 1834-1848. 

Jersey County Democrat (Jerseyville), 1860-1865. 

BIOGRAPHIES AND REMINISCENCES. 

Memorial of Z. Eastman, by his Family. 

Memoirs of J. M. Palmer, An Autobiography, unpublished. 

Manuscript papers of Z. Eastman, unpublished; also his 
"scrapbook." 

Dr. Charles Volney Dyer, article by Z. Eastman in Chicago 
Times, April 25, 1878. 

Early Abolitionism, article by Z. Eastman in Chicago Inter- 
Ocean, September 1, 1879. 

History of the Antislavery Agitation in Illinois, by Z. East- 
man, in Blanchard's Illinois (old edition) pp. 655-677. 

The Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy, W. D. 
Parrish, 1847. 

Account of the Antislavery Reunion at Chicago, June 10-13, 
1874; Chicago Tribune, June IO-13, 1874. 

Mr. Eastman's Antislavery Work, editorial in the Chicago 
Inter-Ocean, June 15, 1883. 

GENERAL HISTORIES. 

The History of the Liberty and Free Soil Parties, T. Smith, 
Cambridge Historical Series, VI., 1897. 

Political Parties in the United States, Hopkins, Putnam, 1900. 

History of the Republican Party, F. A. Flower, Springfield, 
1884. 

History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, 
H. Wilson, Boston, 1872-1877. 

History of Chicago, A. T. Andreas, Chicago, 1884-1886. 

Illinois, Historical and Statistical, Moses, Vol. II. and Ap- 
pendix, Chicago, 1889-1892. 

History of Knox County, Chicago, 1878. 

History of Williamson County, Marion, 1876. 

History of La Salle County, Chicago, 1877. 

History of Winnebago County, Chicago, 1877. 

History of Kane County, Chicago, 1878. 

History of Lake County, Chicago, 1877. 



APPENDIX I. 257 

History of McLean County, Chicago, 1879. 

History of Jo Daviess County, Chicago, 1878. 

History of Cook County, Chicago, 1884. 

History of Edgar County, Chicago, 1879. 

History of Hancock County, Chicago, 1880. 

History of Putnam and Marshall Counties, Lacon, 1880. 

History of Peoria County, Chicago, 1890. 

History of Adams County, Chicago, 1890. 

Constitutional History of the United States, Von Hoist, Vols. 
1-7, Chicago, 1892. 

Narrative and Critical History of the United States, J. Win- 
sor, Vols. 4-8, Boston, 1887. 

Twenty Years in Congress, J. G. Blaine, Vol. I., Chapters 
6-10, Norwich, 1884. 

Abraham Lincoln, Nicholay and Hay, New York, 1890. 

Abraham Lincoln, J. T. Morse, Jr., Boston, 1893. 

Herndon's Lincoln, Herndon and Weik, Chicago, 1889 

American Politics, Johnston, New York, 1892. 

Division and Reunion, W. Wilson, New York and London, 
1898. 

The Underground Railroad, W. H. Siebert, New York, 1899. 

The Underground Railroad, W. H. Siebert, article in Ameri- 
can Historical Review, April, 1896. 

The Underground Railroad Records, Wm. Still. 

History of My Own Life and Times, John Reynolds, 1855. 

Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois, Bateman and Selby, 
Chicago and New York, 1900 



APPENDIX II. 

SPECIMEN COPIES OF SLAVE PAPERS. 

I. The following Bill of Sale was found among the papers of 
Henry Eddy, lawyer, and editor of the "Illinois Gazette," and the 
"Illinois Emigrant," of Shawneetown, Illinois. It is now in the 
possession of Charles Carroll, Jr., Shawneetown, who is a near 
relative of Mr. Eddy. Mr. Carroll possesses several other inter- 
esting letters and papers bearing upon the subject of negro ser- 
vants, which were the former property of Mr. Eddy. The Bill of 
Sale here given is written in fairly clear handwriting and signed 
by the same hand. It is attested by a Justice of Peace of Ran- 
dolph County, but in the place of the seal, now so customary, 
there is only the word "Seal" written after each name and en- 
closed in a little circle. One would judge from this that bona 
fide seals were rare articles among the people and the Justices of 
Peace in Illinois in those pioneer days. The paper reads: 

"Know all men by these presents that I, Hezekiah Davis, of 
the County of Jackson and Territory of (Illinois), have this day 
sold, and by these presents doth sell unto Samuel Cochran of the 
County of Randolph, of the Territory aforesaid, a certain negro 
girl named Jane, aged sixteen years, who indentured herself to me 
on the 26th day of August, 1816 for the term of fifty years before 
James Finney, Esq., Clerk of the County Court of Johnson County, 
for and in consideration of the sum of four hundred dollars cur- 
rent money of United States to me in hand paid, the receipt 
whereof is hereby acknowledged and the said Sam'l Cochran 
therefore discharged, and do by these presents forever warrant 
and defend the title of said girl unto the said Sam'l Cochran his 
heirs and assigns for ever against the claim of myself, my heirs, 
administrators, or assigns, or any person claiming under me or 
them or any other person legally claiming the same. In witness 
whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 20th day of 
August, 1817. (Signed) Hezekiah Davis. [Seal] 

258 



APPENDIX II. 259 

Illinois Territory ) 

Randolph Co. > Personally appeared before me, the subscriber, 
one of the Justices of the Peace in and for the County aforesaid, 
the aforesaid Jane and declared that she voluntarily of her own 
free will and accord consented to serve Samuel Cochrane for the 
term of forty years in lieu of the fifty years which she was to 
serve said Davis. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my 
hand and seal the 20th day of August 1817. 

(Signed) Mathew Duncan [Seal] 

1. Samuel Cochran, of Jackson County, State of Illinois, do by 

these presents acknowledge to have received of William Boon 

400 dollars in full for the services of the above described negro, 

Jane. 

August 22nd 1822 

(Signed) Samuel Cochran. [Seal] 

2. One of the best examples of an early Indenture is to be 
found recorded in the Records and Indentures No. I, of Madison 
County. It is dated March 15th, 1815, and purports to be between 
Jack Bonaparte (a negro) and one Joshua Vaughan. On the day 
mentioned, these two appeared before Josias Randle, Clerk of the 
County Court of Madison County, and took oath to the following 
agreement: 

"Jack Bonaparte doth hereby agree and freely oblige himself 
to serve the said Joshua Vaughan his heirs or assigns ninety 
years, as a good and faithful servant. And the said Joshua 
Vaughan on his part obliges himself as long as the said Jack con- 
tinues with him to Furnish the said Jack in good and wholesome 
food, and necessary clothing with all the other necessaries suit- 
able for a servant." This was duly entered by the County Clerk 
upon the records, without signatures, but having the marginal 
note: "to be free in /go/." [The italics are mine.] 

3. In the Kaskaskia Republican for May 2, 1843, there ap- 
peared the following : 

"Executors Sale." 
"Antoine Barbeau— Executor— offers for sale the estate of the 
late Marie L. Blais, to wit: — 

one Mulatto woman 28 years, 
one Mulatto man 21 years. 



260 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

two Mulatto girls 10 and 8 years. 

one Mulatto boy 5 years. 
"Also hogs, horses, cattle and sheep, household furniture and 
farming tools." 

These were all to be sold at auction on June 3, 1843. 

We cite this since it is the latest notice of the kind, which we 
have discovered. But such advertisements of executors' and 
sheriffs' sales were quite common from 1816 to 1826 — see the 
"Western Intelligencer," the "Illinois Gazette," and the 
"Ewardsville Spectator," during that period. The executor's 
sale given above may also be found copied in the "Western 
Citizen" for July 6, 1843. Sheriffs' sales of slaves occurred as 
late as 1853. 

4. The following letter of Ninian Edwards (Governor of Illi- 
nois and United States Senator), which is now in the possession 
of Mr. Chas. Carroll, Jr., of Shawneetown, is a most excellent 
commentary upon the methods and practices of the men who held 
negroes as slaves in the twenties, especially as regards the man- 
agement and the value of their servants. 

"Belleville, 23 June, 1829. — Sir: You gave to your agent, to 
whom I delivered the negroes I sold you, full authority to act for 
you, and promised that you would comply with any arrangement 
he might make with me. In consequence of which I permitted 
him, for reasons which you are apprised of, and approved, to take 
away my little servants, Nelson and Ellen, upon his explicit 
engagement that they should be returned to me whenever thereto 
required. You, yourself, gave me an assurance that they should 
be returned, and subsequently wrote to me what you had done 
with that in view, and the reasons of the failure. I have re- 
peatedly demanded their return, and in the most unequivocal and 
unqualified manner, in the course of the past year, and shall hold 
you liable for a reasonable compensation for their services up to 
the receipt of this letter. If, however, you choose to keep them 
at the rate of $70 per annum for the hire of the boy and $50 per 
annum for the hire of the girl, you clothing them, paying doctor's 
bills and all other necessary expenses, you may keep them till I 
notify you to the contrary. I shall have to pay more for services 
which I stand in absolute need of and which they are perfectly 
capable of performing more to my satisfaction. Your keeping 



APPENDIX II. 261 

these servants will be considered as assenting to pay me for their 
services according to the foregoing proposition. I will take noth- 
ing less, and therefore nothing more need be said about it. Very 
respectfully I am, sir, yr. mo. ob. st. (Signed.) Ninian Edwards. 

Col. Wright, Equality, 111. 

5. In the Registry of Negroes and Mulattoes of St. Clair 
County, dating from March 26, 1846, to September 24, 1863, 
there is recorded an excellent specimen of the customary "Free- 
dom Papers." 

It is attested by Vital Jarrot — Justice of Peace — and William 
McClintock — Clerk of the County Commissioner's Court, and 
reads as follows, — 

State of Illinois ) Be it remembered that on this tenth day 

Co. of St. Clair i * of April, A.D. 1847 before me, William 
McClintock, Clerk of the County Commissioner's Court within 
and for the said County of St. Clair and State of Illinois, per- 
sonally Appeared a dark Mulattoe man, Calling himself Wilson 
Ross, to have his name entered of Record, together with the 
description of his person and evidence of his freedom, which is 
done as follows 

viz: Evidence 

Know all men by these presents that Whereas on the 29th day of 
October, A.D., 1841, 1, Elizabeth Padfield, then living in St. Louis, 
and now in Illinoistown in the State of Illinois, purchased of 
Ebbert J. Vaughan, a negro man then a slave owing Service to 
said Vaughan, and Whereas as at the purchase of said slave it 
was my intention to liberate him as soon as he would compensate 
me by his labor and money for the Amount I paid for him, to wit, 
the sum of Eight hundred and twenty-five dollars : and Whereas 
the said slave whose name is Wilson Ross (commonly called 
Wilson, simply,) has now fully compensated me for the purchase 
money. Now Therefore in Consideration as above stated, in con- 
nection with my present husband, Abraham Padfield we hereby 
emancipate, liberate and set free the said Wilson Ross in as full a 
manner as if he had been born free. And Whereas in the course 
of time it may be necessary, that he should be known by certain 
descriptions as well as by name, we annex the following descrip- 
tion of him. Wilson Ross is about thirty years of age, is five feet 
six inches and a half in height, (barefooted), is a dark mulatto and 



262 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

has on his person three notable marks, one of them is on his left 
leg, and is two scars from the bite of a dog, resembling a shot 
from the calf of the leg forward towards the shin bone, — another 
is a scar on his right Wrist which was a cut with a knife and is 
about one and a half inches in length, and being transverse of the 
wrist immediately back of the Thumb, — and the other is a similar 
cut on the inside of the left wrist. Given under our hands and 
seals this 9th day of April A.D. 1847. 

his 

Abraham X Padfield [Seal] 
In presence of ) mark 

Vital Jarrot ) her 

Elizabeth X Padfield [Seal] 
mark 

State of Illinois \ I, Vital Jarrot, a Justice of the Peace 



St. Clair County ) in and for said County, hereby certify 

that Abraham Padfield and Elizabeth Padfield each of whom 
are personally known to me to be the same persons mentioned 
in the above article of emancipation, personally appeared 
before me, the said Wilson Ross also known to me, being also 
present, and acknowledged that they had executed the said article 
to said Wilson Ross for the purposes therein mentioned. 

Given under my hand and seal this 9th day of April A.D. 

1847. 

Vital Jarrot [Seal] 

Justice of the Peace. 
Test. Wm. McClintock Clk. Co. Com. Ct. St. Clair Co. 



APPENDIX III. 

DATA RELATIVE TO THE CONTEST OF 
1823-1824. 

A. Report of the Committee on Elections in the case of the 
contested Election in Pike Co. 

This was copied by Mr. Churchill and given to the Edwards- 
ville Spectator for publication, at the time. It is to be found in 
the issue of that paper dated March I, 1823, and also in No. 10 of 
Mr. Churchill's "Annotations" in the "Alton Telegraph," June 2, 
1865. 

It was concurred in by the House of Representatives on 
December 9, 1822, and reads as follows: 

.... The first thing that presents itself to your Committee 
is, whether the necessary notice had been regularly made agree- 
able to the Status of the State in such case made and provided. 
This in the opinion of your Committee is the standard unto which 
they are directed to look as their guide, and also upon which the 
House is to decide. 

In the paper marked A. (herewith submitted) and dated Coles- 
grove, Pike County, August 19, 1822, will be seen the first notice 
which appears to have been given in this case, but under which 
notice no testimony that is before your Committee appears to 
have been taken. In the paper marked B. (also submitted) will 
be seen a second notice, dated Colesgrove, Pike County, Septem- 
ber 4, 1822, and which appears to have been served August 7, 
1822. This by a comparison of the dates appears impossible, as 
the service must have taken place before the notice was in exist- 
ence, and this your Committee deem impossible. Your Commit- 
tee therefore do consider this as no notice at all, and any testimony 
that may have been taken under it as null and void, and deserves 
not the consideration of the House; and inasmuch as the law is 
imperative in limiting the time of service, which must not extend 
to a longer period than 20 days after election. The Committee 

263 



264 NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 

beg leave to submit for the consideration of the House the follow- 
ing Resolutions, — Resolved, that Mr. Hansen is entitled to his 
seat in the House; 

Resolved that the Committee be discharged from further con- 
sideration of the subject." 

B. List of members voting jor and against the Convention 
resolution in February, 1823. 

FOR: 

Senators: 12. 

Boon (Wra), Jackson County. 

Barker Lewis), Pope County. 

Beaird (Jos. A.), Monroe County. 
, Smith (T. W.), Madison County. 

White (Leonard), White County. 

Crozier (Sam.), Randolph County. 

Jones of Gallatin County. 

Grammer (J.), Union County. 

Jones of Bond County. 

Kinney (Win.), St. Clair County. 

Ladd (Milton), Johnson and Franklin Counties. 

Sloo (Thos.), Jefferson and Marion Counties. 
Representatives: 24. 

Alexander (W. M.) of Alexander County, the Speaker 
of the House. 

Alexander, Pope County. 

Alexander, Monroe County. 

Berry (Wm.), Fayette County. 

Campbell, Wayne County. 

Casey (Jadoc), Jefferson and Marion Counties. 

Daimwood, Gallatin County. 

Davenport, Gallatin County. 

Dorriss (T.) Franklin County. 

Field (Alex. W.), Union County. 

Ford, Crawford County. 

Logan (G. R.) White County. 

McFatridge, Johnson Coun*y. 

McFerron, Randolph County. 

Mcintosh (John), Union County. 

Phillips (Alex.), White County. 

Rattan, Green County. 

Shaw (J.), Pike County. 

Trotier (J.), St. Clair County. 

Turney (Jas. F.), Washington County. 

West (E. J.), Madison County. 

Whiteside (J. A.), Pope County. 

Will (C), Jackson County. 

Widen (R.), Randolph County. 



APPENDIX III. 26 5 

AGAINST: 
Senators: 6. 

Bankson (A. Col. i, Washington County. 

Cadwell (G.\ Green County. 

Frazier (Robt.), Edwards County. 

Kinkade (Wm.)j Wayne and Lawrence Counties. 

Parker (Dan.*, Crawford County. 

Stillman (Stephen), Sangamon County. 

Representatives: 12. 

Blakeman (Curtiss), Madison County. 
Cairnes (Abranv, Lawrence County. 
ChurchiU'fGeo.'), Madison County. 
Emmitt (J.), White County. 
Lowry (Wm.), Clark County. 
Mather (Thos.), Randolph County. 
M'Gahey (David), Crawford County. 
Moore (Ridson), St. Clair County. 
Ogle (Jacob), St. Clair County. 
Pell (G. TV), Bond County. 
Sims (Jas.), Sangamon County. 

C. The following is a copy of the agreement signed by 
the Anticonvention members on February 18, 1823, immediately 
after the adjournment of the Session of 1822-1823. The original 
was found among the papers of Curtiss Blakeman after his death 
(May 22, 1833), and twenty-three years afterwards it was printed 
in full in the "Alton Courier" (July 15, 1858), by one of his de- 
scendants. It reads: 

"Copy." 

"We, the subscribers, convinced of the necessity of support- 
ing some newspaper establishment, the conductor of which will 
take a firm and manly stand against the introduction of slavery 
into this State, and against the calling of a Convention to alter the 
Constitution; the sole object of which we are well convinced is to 
effect the introduction of slavery; do hereby agree to use our 
utmost exertions and endeavors to support such newspaper estab- 
lishment as shall be fixed upon. Henry Starr, Curtiss Blakeman 
& Thomas Mather Esqs. are hereby appointed a Committee to 
make such arrangement as they shall deem necessary with the 
conductor of such newspaper, .... we, the subscribers, do 
hereby subscribe for the number of copies of such newspapers set 
opposite to our respective names, at $5-00 a year, in State paper, 
to be paid in advance, the amount of which subscriptions shall be 
deposited with the above named Committee." 



266 



NEGRO SERVITUDE IN ILLINOIS 



NAMES OF SUBSCRIBERS 

Wm. Kincade 
Abraham Carnes 
Ridson Moore 
Geo. Churchill 
Henry Starr 
A Bankston 
Thos. Mather 
James Sims 
Jacob Ogle 
G. Caldwell 
Curtiss Blakeman 
Henry S. Dodge 
Wm. Lowery 
Wm. H. Brown 
Thos. Lippencott 
Stephen Stillman 
Gilbert T. Pell 
Sam'l D. Lockwood 
Dan. Parker 
David M.' Gahey 
John Emitt 

21 subscribers 



NO. OF PAPERS PLACES WHERE DIRECTED 



$10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
5 paid 
5 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
10 paid 
5 paid 

$195 



Lawrenceville 

Lawrenceville 

St. Clair 

Edwardsville 

Edwardsville 

Covington 

Kaskaskia 

Springfield 

Belleville 

Carrollton 

Edwardsville 

Kaskaskia 

Clark County 

Vandalia 

Edwardsville 

Springfield 

Edwards County 

Vandalia 

Palestine 

Palestine 

New Haven 



Feb. 18, 1823. 
Subscriptions for the address of the minority to be printed signed 
— by 14 of the above subscribers, amt. contributed — $15. 

6 March 1823— 800. 

To be paid to Hooper Warren $815. 

The above has been carried fully into effect and settled in full, 
by Liberty being fully established in this State & so may it 
remain." 

Curtiss Blakeman. 

(Signed) 



APPENDIX IV. 



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INDEX. 



INDEX 



Abolitionists, 63-65, 79-81, 142-144, 160, 
161, 167, 174, 182, 222, 223, 236 

Adams, Charles F., 166 

Adams County Antislavery Society, 
see Antislavery Societies 

Allen, Rev. W. T., 136, 139, 140, 142, 
152 

Alton, 178 

Alton "Observer," The, 79, 85-94, 97, 
125, 126 

Alton public schools, 230 

Alton riots, 92, 93 

Alton riot trials, 95 

Anticonventionists, 34', 49-50; Appeal 
of, 41; Toasts of, 45 3 

Anti-Nebraska Democrats, 200, 201 

Anti-Nebraska Party, 199-207 ; see 
also Republican Party 

Antislavery newspapers, see Chicago 
"Daily Times," Edwardsville 
"Spectator," "Emancipator," 
"Free Soil Banner," "Free West, 
The," "Genius of Liberty," 
"Genius of Universal Emancipa- 
tion," "Liberator," Alton "Ob- 
server," St. Louis "Observer," 
"Philanthropist," Sparta "Free- 
man," " Western Citizen, The" 

Antislavery Societies, Adams County, 
67, 67 s , 125', 146; Anti-Nebraska 
clubs, 204; Bureau County, 146; Chi- 
cago, 139; Free Democratic, 187; 
Free Soil; 170; 170 1 ; Illinois State, 
82, 87, 116, 125, 128, 129, I3I-I33. 137- 
141, 147, 152, 181; Jersey County, 
125 2 ; Knox County, 129 1 , 146; La 
Salle County, 129", 133, 137; Madi- 
son County, 82, 125'; Putnam Coun- 
ty, 115, 125-, 131, 132, 142, 146; Taswell 
County, 139; Troy Grove 140: War- 



ren County, 129 1 ; Will County, 125 5 , 
142; Wisconsin Territory, 152; see 
also Liberty Associations, Hale 
Clubs, etc. 
Archer, W. B. 192 

B 

Bailey vs. Cromwell, 105 

Bailhache, Mr., go 

Balet, M„ 4 

Banks, N. P., 203 

Bankson, A., 1,41. 265 

Barnburners, The, 163, 164', 164 2 , 178 

Beardsley J. J., 204 

Beauvais, M., 4 

Beecher, Dr. Edward, 87, 89', 89', 126' 

Berry, Mr., 40 3 , 46, 47 

Bibb, Henry, 160 

Birkbeck. Morris, 42', 44, 48 s 

Birney, James G., 146 

Bishop, Lyman, 93, 93* 

Bissell, W H., 198, 201 

Black Laws, The, 10, 10 5 , 24, 121, 138, 

148, 157, 162, 188, 233-236, 240 
Blackwell, David, 47 1 
Blakeman, Curtiss, 41', 265, 266 
Blais, Marie L., 259 
Bloomington Convention, 199; see 

Conventions 
Bonaparte, Jack, 259 
Bond, Governor, 42, 48 
Boon, V. Juliet, 104 
Borders, Andrew, 106-1:8, 106 1 
Breckenridge, John C, 221 
Breeze, Sidney, 121, 121 2 
Brown, Joseph, 92* 
Brown, Thomas C , 31' 
Brown, W. H., 39* 
Browning, D. H., 202 
Bureau County Antislavery Society; 

see Antislavery Societies 
Burr, James E , 162 



-;i 



272 



INDEX 



Cadwell, G., 41 1 , 265 

Cairnes, W., 41. 1 , 265 

Campbell, Mr., 88 

Carpenter, Philo, 61, 148, 184 

Caton, Judge J. D., 111, 174 s 

Chapman, T. S., 231° 

Chase, S. P., ig3, 219 

Chester, Elisha W., 97, 126 

Chicago Antislavery Society; see An- 
tislavery Society 

Chicago "Daily Times," 184-86; see 
Antislavery papers 

Chicago "Democratic Press," 196, 
196 3 

Chicago Free Soil League, 169 

Chicago "Journal," 192 

Chicage "Tribune," 195, 195 4 

Childs, S. D., 148 

Choisser vs. Barney Hargrave, 104' 

Church, S. M., 198 2 

Churchill, Geo., 37, 39, 41', 42, 263,265 

Churchill, Geo., "Annotations," 20 1 , 
21 2 , 24, 33', 38 1 , 250 

Clay, Cassius M., 187, 190 

Cochran, Samuel, 12, 258 

Codding, Ichabod, 151, 153, 154, 158, 
187, 190, 193 

Code Noir, Le, 3 

Coffing, Churchill, 180, 180' 

Cold Spring Prairie Antislavery So- 
ciety; see Antislavery Societies 

Coles, Governor Edward, 11, 16, 18 1 , 
30,32,42,43', 44', 45', 46', 47' 

Collins, Fred, 147, 148 

Collins, James H., m, 122, 148, 165 1 , 
180, i8o 5 , 181 

Committee of Five, 83 

Compagnie de l'Occident, 1 

Compromise of, 1850, 178 

Constitution, The, 1818, 22, 23, 25, 26; 
1862, 238, 239 

Conventions: Anti-Nebraska; see Re- 
publican; Barnburners, 1847, 164; 
Bloomington, 199; Constitutional, 
1818, 18-20; 1847, 233, 235; 1862, 238, 
239; Contest for a, 27-49; Decatur, 
of Editors, 1856, 197; Democratic, 



1848, 172', 172 3 ; 1850, 179, 179 6 ; 1856, 
199', 200; Free Democratic, 1848, 
169; 1852, 184; 1853, 186; Free Demo- 
cratic County, 1&52, 185; 1854, 190; 
Free Democratic District, 1852, 185; 
Free Soil, 1850, 179, 179 4 ; Illinois 
Antislavery Society; 1837, 87, 125; 
1838, 128; 1840, 138; 1841, 137; Illi- 
nois Antislavery, 1851, 181, 182; Lib- 
erty County, 1842, 150; 1844, 154; 
1848, 171; 1851-2, 183'; Liberty Dis- 
trict, 1843, 151; 1844, 154; 1847, 159, 
i6o\ 161; 1848, 162, 171; 1851, 183; 
Liberty Party, 1841, 138; 1842, 148, 
149; 1844, 153; 1846, 157; 1848, 161, 
162, 164; National Democratic, 1836, 
201, 201 1 , 201 2 ; National Free Demo- 
cratic, 1851, 182, 184; National Free 
Soil, 1848, 166; National Liberty, 
1847, 163; 1851, 182; National Re- 
publican, 1856, 203; Northwestern 
Liberty, 1846, 159; Republican, 1854, 
193, 193 4 ; 1856; 199; 1858, 207; Re- 
publican County, 1858, 207; Repub- 
lican District, 1854, 191, 192; South- 
ern Illinois Antislavery, 1851, 181, 
181 3 ; Southern Illinois Liberty, 1847, 
161; Whig, 1850, 180, 180'; 1854, 192. 

Conventionists, 34-49, Appeal of, 40: 
Toasts of, 45 3 . 

Cook, B. C.i 202, 204, 219 

Cook, Rev. Chauncey, 128, 129-131; 
136', 142 

Cook, Daniel P., 27, 30, 3o\ 31, 48 

Cornelius vs. Cohen, 51, 51 3 , 99, 100. 

Cross, John, 106, 107, 138, 142, 151, 
165 1 

Crozat, Antoine, 1 

D 

Daimwood, Mr., 37, 39 

Daniel, 109 

Davis, Hezekiah, 12, 258 

Davis, W. T. M., 122 

Dayton, W. L., 203 

De Wolf, Calvin, 146 2 , 148 

Dickey, James H., 131, 139, 142 

Dimmock, Thomas, 90-, 92' 

Douglas, Frederic, 187 



INDEX 



273 



Douglas, Stephen A., 113. i 8 °- l8l < 
189, 190, 196, 196 3 , 200, 201 ; Lincoln 
Debates, 207-221, 222 

Dred Scott case, The, 206, 208, 210, 
211, 216, 217 

Dudley, E.J. , 198 

Duncan, James, 55 

Durkee, Charles, 182 

Dyer, Dr. C. V., 61, bi\ 146 2 , M 8 , 

162, 105 1 

E 

Eastman, Z., 61, 63, 63*, 63*, 127, 128, 
133, 134. i34\ i34 ? - I3S. 149, 158, 160, 

163, 166, 183, i 8 4- 185- 186, 187, 191. 

203 2 , 223 1 

Eddy, Henry, 258 

Edwards, Gov. Ninian, 7, "1 I2 - l6 - 

19 3 , 28', 28' 29, 260 
Edwardsville "Spectator," 29, 29', 29 s , 

31, 41, 42", 47, 124. 124 1 
Eells, Richard, 112, 113, n°> J 57 
Election of 1840, 146; 1842, i5°i l8 44. 

154-5; 1846. 159; l8 47, 159; 1848, 170, 

172, 173; i 8 5°, 204 and 204*; 1858, 

220, 220 2 , and 267 
"Emancipator," The, 124", 126 
Emmitt, J., 4i\ 265 
English Bill, The, 206 



Farnum, Mr., 151 
Field, Mr., 38 
Fletcher, Richard, 97 
Fort Chartres, 2, 3 
Foster, James, 109 
Frazier, Rob't, 41 1 , 265 
Free Democratic Party, 166, 166 1 , 184, 
185, 185 1 , 186, 187, 191. 192; see Con- 
ventions 
Freeman, Jonathan, Letters of, 44 
Fremont, John C, 203 
"Free Soil Banner," 169 
Free Soil Party, The, 166, 166', 167, 

168, i6g, 170, 171. 173. 175, 183 
"Free West," The, 187, 189, 192, 195 
French, Governor, 174 
Fugitive Slave Law, 178, 179, i 8o > x8l > 
216, 217 



Gage, Gen. Thomas, 4 

Garrison, W. L., 62, 143 

"Genius of Liberty," 134, 135. I35 1 - 

137, 138, 140, 141, 149 
"Genius of Universal Emancipation," 

124 2 , 126, 128, 132, 132 1 . 132 2 , 134 
Giddings, J.R., ig3i 195 
Gillespie, Jas., 198 
Gilman, Mr., 92, 93 
Godfrey, Gilman & Co., 91 
Goodman, E., 187 
Goodrich, Grant, 199 
Grammer, John, 7\ 34.3° 
Graves, Rev. F. W., 90 1 

H 

Hale Clubs, 185 

Hale, John P., 162, 163, 165, 166', 184, 

203 
Hale, Luke, 165' 
Hall, James, 20 
Hamilton Primary School, 231. 231', 

231 8 
Hamilton, Gen. John, 231° 
Hamilton, Dr. Silas, 231 
Hamilton, George W., 231 s 
Hammond, Charles, 72 1 
Hansen, Nicholas, 32. 33, 34, 3°. 37, 3 8 , 

39, 263, 264 
Hargrave, Barney, 104' 
Harned, William, 91, 94 
Haven, O. H., 178, I7 8 * 
Hawley, C. M., 160, 187 
Henderson, J. H., 151 
Herndon, W. J., 198 2 
Hoffman, F. A., 198, 199, 202 
Hone, V. Ammons, 119, 120 
Hood, James, 58', 59 3 
Hunter, C. W., 140, 148, 165 ' 
Hurlburt, Rev. T. B„ 87 

I 

Illinois Antislavery Society, see Anti- 
slavery Societies 
Illinois "Gazette," 31 
Illinois "Intelligencer,"29 2 ,39 3 >42' ! ,47 1 
Illinois "Republican," 42 s 



74 



INDEX 



J 

Jarrot vs. Jarrot, 112, 116, 117, 118 

Jay, Joseph, 101 

Jay, William, 101, 102 

Jerseyville Academy, 232 

Jersey County Antislavery Society, 

125 s ; see Antislavery Societies 
Jesuits, 3, 4 

Johnson, Governor, 219 
Jones, William, 154 
Judd, Norman B., 199, 200, 201, 205, 224 
Julian, Mr., 184 
Juliet, 104 

K 

Kane, E. K., 20, 21 1 , 28, 29, 30, 42 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 187, 189, 199, 
200 

Kaskaskia, 2, 6 

Kelsey, D. M., 185,187 

Keykendall, Benj., 13 

Kidnapping, 14, 32, 54, 56, 55 2 ; ste Ne- 
groes 

King, Leicester, 163, 165 

Kinkade, William, 41 1 , 165 

Kinney vs. Cook, 105 

Kitchell, Rev. A. W., 66 

Kitchell, Joseph, 20 3 , 233 

Kitchell, W., 20 

Knightlinger, Jacob, 106 

Knowlton, D. A., 184 

Knox County Antislavery Society, 
129 1 , 146; see Antislavery Societies 

Knox, James, 192 

Koerner, Gustave, 108, 122, 193, 198 2 , 
200, 201 

Kohokia, 2 

Krum, Mayor, 87, 91, 93 



Lamed, E. C, 181 

La Salle County Antislavery Society; 
see Antislavery Societies 

Lawless, Judge, 76, 76-, 76 s 

Lecompton Constitution, 206, 208, 210 

Leslie, Mrs., 114 

"Liberator, The," 124' 125; see Anti- 
slavery Papers 



Liberty Associations, 152, 153, 158 

"Liberty Banner," 158; see Anti- 
slavery Papers 

Liberty Party, see Conventions 

Linder, U. F., go 1 , 95 

Lincoln, Abraham, candidate for Sena- 
tor, 193, ig6; Bloomington Speech, 
202; Attitude on slavery, 203, 205; 
Debates with Douglas. 207-221, 224 

Lincoln-Douglas Debates, The, 207. 
221 

Lippencott, Rev. Thomas, 35, 37', 41, 
42,95 

Lippencott, Rev. Thomas, "Reminis- 
cences," i8\ 30 4 , 250 

Lockwood, S. D., 42, 47, 100, 102, 114 

Logan, John A., 226, 234 s , 235, 236* 

Long, Enoch, 92, 93 

Louisiana, Lower, 1, 3 

Louisiana, Upper, 1-3 

Lovejoy, Celia French, 72' 

Lovejoy, Elijah Parish, 67; Youth, 68, 
69; in St. Louis, 69, 77; in Alton, 78- 
98; Attitude towards abolitionism, 
79, 83; Attacks upon, 84, 88; Speech, 
89; Death, 94; Opinions on death, 95, 
96 

Lovejoy, Owen, no, in, 142, 151, 156 s , 
158, 159, 162, 165 1 , 170*, 193-195, 202, 
204, 205 

Lowry, William, 41 1 , 265 

Lundy, Benjamin, no, 126 128, 132, 
132 1 

M 

McAdams, Joseph, 55 s 

McClellan, J., 165, 165 1 , 166 

McClure, E., 193* 

McGahey, D., 41', 265 

McFatridge, Mr., 36 

Mcintosh, Frances, 75 

McLean, John, 31, 121 

Madison County Antislavery Society, 

82, 125 2 ; see Antislavery Societies 
Maloney, Dr., 179, 179 7 , 179 s , 180 
Manierre, George, 181 
Markham, Rev. F. J., 187 
Mather, Thomas, 39, 41 ', 42, 265 
Matteson, General, 112, 118, 119 



INDEX 



275 



Matteson, Governor, 196 
Matthews, Elder Edward, 139, 152 
Maxwell, P., 172. 172' 
Miller, James, 193, 204 
Missouri Gazette, 13 
Moore, General James B., 31 1 
Moore, John, 199' 
Moore, Ridson, 41 1 , 265 

N 

Nance vs. Howard, 51 3 , 100, 101 

Nancy, no, 111 

Negroes, Acts concerning, 7-10, 12, 26 3 ; 
Acts concerning free, i8$ 3 , 188, 226- 
236, 242; Advertisements of, 13; Auc- 
tions of, 13, I3\ 237 3 ; Bills of sale, 
12, $2 7 , 237, 258, 259; Escape of, see 
Underground railway; Kidnapping 
of, see Kidnapping; Registration of, 
10, n, n 2 , 12; Sales of, 11, 12, 14, 52, 
S3. 237 3 , 258, 259; Slaves, under the 
French, 2, 4; under the English, 4, 
5; in 1818, 15; in 1830, 52; Slave trade, 
1, 2; see also, Will records 

Nelson vs. the People, 120, 237 

Niles, Nathaniel, 55'- 58', 122, 245 

Norton, Mr., 192 

Nye, General, 203 

o 

"Observer," The, see Alton and St. 

Louis 
"Observer," printing press, 94* 
Ogden, W. B., I79> i79 T . i 8 °> I 9 8 * 
Oglesby, R. J., 198- 219, 224 
Ordinance of 1787, 6 
Ottawa Plan, The, 186, 187 



Pacificus, 19 

Padfield, Abraham, 261, 262 

Padfield, Elizabeth, 261, 262 

Palmer, John M., 201, 205, 219, 233 

Parker, Daniel, 41 1 , 265 

Parker, G. D. A., 198* 

Parker, Lucius H., ibj 1 

Peck, Rev. J. M., 42, 43 3 . &3. 78" 

Pell, Gilbert, 41 1 , 265 

Perry, James, 162 



Pettingill, Moses, 165' 
"Philanthropist, The," 65, 65*, 96*, 
124', 125, 126, 133; see Antislavery 
Papers 
Phillips, D L., 198 
Phillips, Joseph, 30, 42 
Phillips, Wendell, 97 
Phoebe vs. William Jay, 101, 102 
Pickett, T. J., 198 
Pittman, Captain Philip, 4 
Prairie du Rocher, 2 
Froslavery newspapers, see "Illinois 
Gazette," "Illinois Intelligencer," 
"Illinois Republican," "Shawnee- 
town Gazette," "Star of the West" 
Pugh, Mr., 41 1 , 265 
Purple, Mr., no, 111 
Putnam County Antislavery Society, 
see Antislavery Societies 

R 

Ratten, Mr., 35 

Ray, C. H., 197 

Renault, Philip F., 1 

Republican Party (Illinois), 190, 191, 

194, 197-199, 203-207, 219-221 
Richardson, Otis, 187 
Richardson, W. A., 199* 
Roberts, Levi, 38 
Robinson, Governor, 203, 204 
Rock, J. M., 95 2 
Rodney vs. Illinois Central Railway, 

120 
Ross, Wilson, 261, 262 



St. Clair, A., 160 

St. Clair, Governor, 6 

St. Genevieve, 4 

St. Louis Exchange and Land Office, 

13 
St. Louis "Observer," The, 69-72, 7477 

St. Philip, 2 

Salt Mines, 15 

Sarah vs. Borders, 106, 108 

Scammon, J. Young, 171 3 . 174 

Scates, Justice, 108 

Schurz, Carl, 219 

Selby, Paul, 197 



276 



INDEX 



Settlers of Illinois, 16, 17 

Shaw, John, 32-34, 36-39, 263, 264 

Shawneetown "Gazette," 42 s , 45*; see 
Proslavery Papers 

Shields, Judge, 113, 117 

Shields, Senator, 194, 196 

Sherman, F. C, 172*, 197 

Sidway, Levi, 231 8 , 

Simms, James, 41 1 , 265 

Skinner, Judge, 109 2 , 120 4 , 199, 237, 
237* 

Slave Trade 1; see Negroes 

Smith, Abram, 157 

Smith, Gerrit, 143, 143 2 , 182 

Smith, Henry, 148 

Smith, T. W., 42, 104, 121 

Snow, Henry W., 162 

Snyder, Geo., 197 

"Sparta Freeman," 184, 184 1 ; see Anti- 
slavery Papers 

"Star of the West," 31 2 , 42'; see also 
Proslavery Papers 

Statutes concerning Negroes, see Ne- 
groes 

Stephenson, Benj., n 2 

Stillman, S., 41 1 , 265 

Stillwell, Judge, 231 

Street, General Joseph M., 28 

Sumner, Senator, 206 

Swan, Hurlburt, 161 



Tanner, Henry, 92, 92' 

Taswell County Antislavery Society 

139; see Antislavery Societies 
Taylor, Z., 173 
Tenney, J. A., 134 
Thomas, J. B., 20, 107, 108, 121, 121* 
Thornton's Case, 109 3 , 119 
Treat, Judge S. H., 109, 112, 118, 174 s 
Troy Grove Antislavery Society, 140; 

see Antislavery Societies 
Trumbull, Lyman, 108, 122, 123, 174*, 

192-196, 196 3 , 202, 204, 219, 224 
Twist, Mose, 55-, 58, 59 

u 

Underground Railway, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 
Usrey, W. J., 197 



Van Buren, Martin, 166, 169, 171, 

173 
Van Dorn, Mr., 61 
Vaughan, E. J., 261 
Vaughan, Joseph, 259 
"Vermont Free Press," 134 
Vivier, M., 2 

w 

Waite, C. B„ 158 
Walker, John, Sg 1 
Warren County Antislavery Society, 

129'; see Antislavery Societies 
Warren, Hooper, 29-31, 29 s , 42, 43 1 , 

47, 63 2 , 133, 187 
Washburne, E. B., 191, 192 
Washington, Lewis, 160 
Wentworth, John, 172, 172 4 , 199, 201, 

205 
West, Benjamin, 42 
West, E. J., 40 1 
West, Hezekiah, 20 
West, H. W., 92 1 
"Western Citizen," The, 149, 158, 160, 

169, 169*, 175, 184, 186 
"Western Pioneer," The 78' 
White, D. V., 231 6 
Whitehead, Mr., 123 
Whitney, James, 33 
Widen, R., 48 s , 264 
Wilkenson, Ira 0., 198 
Will County Antislavery Society, 125*, 

142; see Antislavery Societies 
Will Records, 13, 13 3 , 13*, 52", 52 s , 

53* 
Willard vs. the People, 114, 116 
Willard, Dr. Samuel, 87*, 245 
Williams, Archibald, 192 
Wilmot Proviso, 164, 177 
Wilson, Judge, 112, 118 
Wisconsin Territory Antislavery So- 
ciety, 152; see Antislavery Societies 
Woodward, J. H., 191 
Wright, Mr., 193 

Y 

Yates, Richard, 192, 205, 219, 224 



IB '07 



Gbe TflnlversitB of Gbtcago 

FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 



HISTORY OF 

NEGRO SLAVERY IN ILLINOIS AND 

OF THE SLAVERY AGITATION 

IN THAT STATE 



A DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND 

LITERATURE. IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

(DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY) 



BY 

NORMAN DWIGHT HARRIS 



CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
1906 



